Alternative visions of security in Northeast Asia

Although no security structure exists yet in Northeast Asia comparable to Europe’s NATO, there is movement toward new arrangements as the century ends. Unresolved cold war disputes on the Korean Peninsula and between China and Taiwan as well as controversy over an appropriate Japanese role in the twenty-first century combine to sustain general regional support for a continued American force presence in Japan and Korea. Nevertheless, two potential developments could erode that presence over time: (1) the unification of Korea, after which U.S. troops on the peninsula might be unacceptable and (2) a change in American budgetary priorities that could significantly draw down forward deployments in the western Pacific. In anticipation of these changes, Northeast Asian states are beginning regional security dialogues.     

U.S.-China relations in the post-cold war period: A Chinese perspective

After the collapse of the Soviet Union the anti-Soviet rationale for U.S.-China ties was exhausted. Today, both countries are trying to define the new foundation and intrinsic value of their long-term relationship in the post-cold war era. Although human rights, trade, and weapons proliferation issues were major obstacles to the improvement of bilateral relations, recent developments have shown that by making mutual concessions and showing good will, the PRC and the United States can avert confrontation and build a constructive relationship. He was a visiting scholar at Stanford University between 1993 and 1994.     

The crisis in U.S.-China policy, 1991: The role of congress

The history of U.S. government decisionmaking on China policy since the June 1989 Tiananmen incident shows several episodes of dramatic confrontation between President Bush and his supporters in the administration and the Congress, and large numbers of congressional members of both parties critical of the administration’s China policy. Up to the present, 1991 clearly marked the highwater mark in the ongoing U.S. policy debate. In general terms, the debate went through three distinct stages in 1991, with the crisis coming during critical votes on conditional MFN legislation in July. At year’s end, all sides in the debate anticipated continued strong congressional criticism of Chinese practices and Bush administration policy, but critics seemed unable to make substantial inroads among those senators who supported the Bush administration’s stance, assuring continued MFN trade treatment for China.     

Hopeful uncertainty: Asia‐Pacific security in transition

Matake Kamiya chides Western security experts for taking an overly pessimistic view of the security environment in the Asia‐Pacific region. While admitting that there are many potential trouble spots, Kamiya asserts there are also many positive factors that point to peace, including the growing economic strength of, and cooperation between, countries in the region. The original version of this paper was prepared while Kamiya served as a distinguished research fellow at the Centre for Strategic Studies, New Zealand, from August 1994 to March 1995. Kamiya is associate professor of international relations at Japan's National Defense Academy.     

U.S. hegemony and Southeast Asia

The United States has exerted a major influence on Southeast Asia, especially since World War II. As both a promoter of neoliberal reform and as the key strategic actor in the wider East Asian region, the impact of U.S. power has been immense. But both the Asian economic crisis and its aftermath, and the more recent “war on terror,” have highlighted the contradictory impact of evolving U.S. foreign policy and intervention in the region. At both an elite and a mass level there is evidence of resentment about, and hostility toward, U.S. policy and its perceived negative effects. This article outlines how U.S. foreign policy has impacted the region in the economic, political, and security spheres, and argues that not only has it frequently not achieved its goals, but it may in fact be undermining both America's long-term hegemonic position in the region and any prospects for political liberalization.     

An age of uncertainty: Building a post-cold war U.S. security strategy for east and Southeast Asia

The contours of the future U.S. security policy in the Asia-Pacific is a vexed question both in research literature and among American elites. There is no conformity either in threat perceptions or concrete methods of security policy. However, the region is recognized by all competitive groups as a critical area for U.S. national interests presently and in the foreseeable future. This article explores the major security challenges that America faces in the region; including China-Taiwan and other local conflicts, conventional arms race and nuclear proliferation, generational transition and nontraditional threats. The article reviews Clinton administration policy in the region and explains the nature of the U.S. domestic debate on the Asia-Pacific.     

Human rights and U.S.-Japan relations in Asia: Divergent allies

The United States has adopted a high-profile approach to pressure Asian governments to improve human rights and move toward democracy. Japan, in contrast, has avoided confronting its Asian neighbors over human rights while balancing between Asia and the West. Japan’s reluctance, in supporting the U.S., except in the multilateral context, has strengthened the position of Asian nations sanctioned by the West. Japan’s approach is explained by its lack of interests and convictions about promoting human rights in Asia, its past aggression in the region, the absence of explicit United States pressure on Japan and the deterrent effect of strong Asian opposition to foreign intervention on human rights. An earlier version of this article was presented at the International Studies Association Conference in Minneapolis in March 1998. I appreciate Davis Bobrow, Peter Li, Ryo Oshiba and Motoko Shuto for their very useful comments. Any errors in the paper are of course mine alone.     

浅析奥巴马政府的东南亚外交

"9·11"事件后,美国在全球反恐战争的大背景下"重返"东南亚.但是,由于美国的东南亚外交缺乏连贯、全面的战略安排以及政策上的失误,美国在该地区的战略影响力不升反降.奥巴马政府上台以来,在确保其东南亚战略利益和战略目标基本不变前提下的,在"巧实力"外交理念的指导下,全面介入该地区的各项事务.美国在东南亚外交上的调整必将对该地区权力格局的演变及地区安全秩序的塑造产生重大影响.     

美国关于危机管理的理论与实践 --以中美关系为例

美国从冷战时期开始就逐渐发展起一套危机管理的理论、机制和方式.中美危机管理是美国在国际政治中进行危机管理的重要组成部分.美国政府在中美危机管理中既运用其一般意义的危机管理理论和机制,也有一些独特的指导思想和方式.这些对中美危机控制的实践有重要影响.冷战结束后,中美两国在实践中都积累了一些危机管理经验,并开始建立某些危机管理机制.由于政治制度、文化、传统的不同,中美两国现有危机管理机制差异较大,需要较长时间的磨合与适应.影响中美危机管理的主要因素包括实力对比与国家利益的关系、危机的结构、各自国家的对外战略、国内政治因素、盟国和盟友关系、文化和价值观念等.     

论美国对亚洲的商务外交策略

美国在亚洲有广泛的政治、商务和战略利益,为此,美国提出了对亚洲的商务外交策略,即通过积极推进双边和区域自由贸易和投资协定的签署,提升与亚洲各国的政治和外交关系,并通过发挥在世界贸易组织(WTO)和亚太经济合作组织(APEC)中的领导作用,保障其在亚洲的战略利益.美国在亚洲的商务外交策略还包括:通过"东盟企业发展动议"积极参与东盟的经济一体化进程,全面实施新时期的对华战略,在军事和亚洲事务上与日本保持合作,并把印度作为制衡中国和日本的战略伙伴国,从而巩固其在亚洲的主导地位.     

美国在英属东南亚殖民地非殖民化过程中的政策及其作用

战后初期,一方面由于美国认为英国所采取的殖民政策较为开明,基本符合美国所倡导的渐进的非殖民化模式;另一方面出于自身经济利益和冷战形势下全球战略的考虑,美国默认了英国殖民主义在东南亚的继续存在.英国国力的衰落使其在东南亚地区的影响逐步萎缩,美国以介入战后东南亚非殖民化的过程为契机,开始在塑造该地区未来秩序的过程中起到领导性的作用,并对英帝国的非殖民化施加了一定影响.美英之间历经从战时开始的合作与冲突,以大英帝国的瓦解而告结束,完成了战后世界霸权的转移.     

U.S. Power and the Politics of Economic Governance in the Americas

This article examines the nature of the emerging regional economic regime in the Americas and argues that the dominant approach to economic governance is one defined by the assertion of U.S. power in the region and oriented toward distinctively U.S. interests and preferences. This has been clearly evident in the evolution of the Free Trade Area of the Americas but also, with the deceleration and fragmentation of that process during 2002 and 2003, in the growing prioritization of bilateralism. The leverage afforded by the bilateral negotiation of trade agreements acts to situate primary influence in shaping the rules that constitute the regional economic regime, and the primary functions associated with governing in this context, firmly within the agencies of the U.S. state. This essay therefore explores how the hegemonic power of the United States manifests itself in the substance of the hemispheric project and the shape of the economic regime associated with it.     

如何看待美国的软实力

约瑟夫·奈1990年提出"软实力"的概念是旨在回应盛行其时的"美国衰落论"。近年来,随着世界上反美情绪的日益高涨,又出现了"美国软实力衰落论"。实际上,美国软实力的各个组成部分,如美国在科技、教育、人口方面的竞争力,以及在思想、规范和制度安排方面的影响力,均未衰落。真正影响美国软实力的因素是美国民众的情绪和国内分歧。     

“9·11”后美国在东南亚的反恐活动

"9·11"后,美国将注意力集中到东南亚,将之视为反恐战争的"第二战线".在东南亚的反恐活动中,美国着重于打击海上恐怖主义袭击,在与东南亚国家加强反恐合作的同时,也对东南亚几个国家提供了军事援助和联合进行反恐军事演习.     

U.S. Policy in East Asia and the pacific: Building on the past and the present for the future

The author persuasively argues that U.S. policy in the Asia-Pacific region has been and must continue to be based upon four fundamental principles: 1) genuine respect for the interests and prerogatives of the peoples of the region; 2) support for the establishment of democratic institutions and processes in East Asia and the Pacific; 3) the expansion of trade and investment with basic reliance on the market forces of competition and free enterprise; and 4) recognition that peace and stability are best facilitated by addressing specific sources of regional tension.     

美国重返东南亚的中国因素与中国的战略应对

控制东南亚是冷战后美国亚太战略的重要步骤.最近,美国加入《东南亚友好合作条约》,并宣布重返东南亚,其主要的战略意图是牵制中国.美国重返东南亚对中国的消极影响大于其积极影响,中国政府必须采取相应的战略对策,包括加强与东南亚国家的关系,推进东亚经济区域合作,建立东亚安全共同体以及促进中美关系等.     

Security cooperation in Northeast Asia: Problems and prospects

During the past five years there have been a growing number of proposals for dialogue, “regimes” and other cooperative institutions designed to enhance regional security. This article critically evaluates the key proposals and notes the objections that have been raised against them. It goes on to argue that many of these objections are without validity. The article contrasts the considerable progress in this area, which has been achieved in Southeast Asia with the absence of progress in Northeast Asia — and suggests some reasons for the difference. The article concludes with an analysis of some of the contradictory elements of such concepts as “cooperative security,” “security cooperation” and “common security,” which are gaining increasing currency in the region.