延安时期毛泽东进行思想政治教育的基本经验

延安时期是毛泽东思想政治教育理论和实践都极为丰富的时期,是毛泽东把思想政治教育的内容与形式达到高度统一的时期。在全党高度重视思想政治教育实效性的今天,深入探讨延安时期毛泽东同志开展思想政治教育的基本经验,对于做好当前的思想政治工作具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。     

毛泽东论民主集中制

民主集中制是在中国革命的历史中产生和发展起来的。民主革命时期，毛泽东对于在人民军队内部、国家政治制度上，以及共产党内部实行民主集中制有一系列明确的论述。社会主义建设时期，毛泽东进一步发挥了他关于民主，以及民主与集中之间关系的思想。对于长期追求民主集中制的中国共产党来说，真正实行和健全民主集中制依然任重而道远。     

论毛泽东在抗日战争时期的多党合作思想

抗日战争时期,毛泽东深刻吸收中国传统文化的和合思想,以马列主义多党合作理论为基础,结合中国共产党与其他党派合作的经验形成了多党合作思想。其主要内容包括多党合作的重要性、原则、策略和组织形式。这些思想对于丰富和完善毛泽东思想以及马克思主义统一战线理论;反对国民党一党专制,团结民主党派合作抗日;推动中国革命和民主政治建设,建立和完善中国共产党领导的多党合作政治制度具有重要价值。     

邓小平对党的作风建设理论的创新与发展

<正>延安时期,毛泽东提出了马克思主义政党的作风建设命题,创立了一套具有中国特色的整风学说。邓小平是毛泽东整风学说的坚定支持者、忠实继承者与大胆探索者,他在中国特色社会主义的实践中创新与发展了党的作风建设理论:他澄清了群众路线与群众运动的概念,提出了做深入的、细致的、经常的群众工作的观点;他提倡作风建设与小民主、与法制相结合,找到了一条作风建设的规范化、常态化、长效化路径;他强调在批评与自我批评的过程中保证党的团结统一、维持党内与社会的和谐。     

延安时期民主政治建设的成就与经验

正从1935年10月中共中央率领红军长征到达陕北,到1948年3月中共中央东渡黄河离开陕北,这中间大概十三年的时间称之为"延安时期"。民主政治是延安时期的最大特点,毛泽东曾经指出:"陕甘宁边区是全国最进步的地方,这是民主的抗日根据地。"延安时期,以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党在民主政治建设上进     

浅析毛泽东群众路线思想的当代价值

毛泽东把马克思主义群众路线观和认识论同中国革命和建设的实践相结合,形成并确立了我们党的群众路线。群众路线是中国共产党对待人民群众的根本观点和工作路线,成为毛泽东思想活的灵魂。毛泽东群众路线思想是中国共产党重要的思想资源,在推进社会主义民主政治建设的新形势下,要在实践中加以创新,以民主政治为依托,与民主政治相结合,使毛泽东群众路线思想具有时代特色,彰显时代价值。     

建国后毛泽东对中国民主政治建设的探索

以毛泽东为核心的党中央第一代领导集体,为建设中国特色社会主义民主政治的理论和实践进行了艰辛的探索,提出了很多具有独创性的民主政治思想,为建设有中国特色的社会主义民主政治做出了重大贡献。虽然毛泽东晚年,对于社会主义社会主要矛盾的认识发生转变,致使中国民主政治建设偏离了正确轨道,但他的功绩是首位的,为中国特色社会主义民主政治建设打下了坚实的理论和实践基础。     

毛泽东的协商民主思想及其重要启示

在长期的革命和建设进程中,毛泽东把马克思主义民主理论与我国的具体情况相结合,创造性地提出了一系列富有见地的协商民主思想。毛泽东的协商民主思想,主要表现在抗日政权的协商设计、协商建国的宏伟蓝图、党际协商的制度载体、群众路线的协商形式、党内协商的成功嵌入等诸多方面。探寻毛泽东的协商民主思想,对于新时期的社会主义协商民主建设具有重要启示。     

浅谈毛泽东军事思想中“三大民主”建设在当代部队管理中的应用

"三大民主"是毛泽东军事思想的重要组成部分,其作为军队政治工作必须遵循的基本原则,在我军成长壮大的历史进程中发挥了巩固和发展我军内部关系的重要作用。在新的历史时期,如何进一步认识"三大民主"的历史地位,如何进一步调动官兵的积极性、创造性,如何深入学习、领会、贯彻毛泽东军事思想,不断推进部队"三大民主"的建设,加强部队管理是我军全面建设现代化军队的重要保证。     

两种形式的民主与两种性质的监督——兼论延安时期党的民主建设经验

党在延安时期确立的加强民主建设、自觉接受人民监督的思想和治国理政的经验是我们在新的历史时期建设政治文明的宝贵精神财富。实行选举民主和协商民主体现了我国人民民主的本质,具有巨大的政治优势和旺盛的生命力。实行法律监督和民主监督,对于保证党和国家的各项事业沿着民主化、科学化的方向前进具有根本性的作用。进一步坚持和完善两种形式的民主与两种性质的监督,对于发展社会主义民主政治优势,建设政治文明,构建和谐社会,具有重大而深远的意义。     

Hu Jintao and the CCP’s ideology: A historical perspective

The role of ideology in Chinese politics has experienced dramatic changes in the past six decades. Mao Zedong had tremendous power over the political institutions of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). During the Cultural Revolution, he mobilized the masses against the Party’s institutions in the name of Mao Zedong Thought. Deng Xiaoping significantly downplayed the role of ideology in politics by trying to avoid theoretical debates. Jiang Zemin invented a new thought, “Three Represents,” yet the thought was detached from his name when it was enshrined in the CCP Constitution. Most recently, as a result of the political succession at the Sixteenth National Congress of the CCP, Jiang is no longer the most authoritative interpreter of the thought. Now it is Hu Jintao, new General Secretary of the CCP, who has become the official interpreter of the thought. He offered a new interpretation in his July 1^st speech on the “Three Represents” in 2003. It seems that ideology is no longer a personal trademark. It has become an asset of the Party and been institutionalized under Hu Jintao because Hu has become the legitimate interpreter of the Party’s ideology as the General Secretary of the Party. He will be the inaugural Joe and Teresa Long Endowed Chair in the Social Sciences at Tarleton State University in Stephenville, Texas in the Spring Semester of 2005. He received his Ph.D. in political science from the University of Chicago. He is the author ofChinese Provincial Leaders: Economic Performance and Political Mobility since 1949 (Sharpe, 2002). The author wishes to thank three anonymous referees for their valuable comments on the earlier drafts of this article, Stephine Corso, Nancy Hearst, and Fong Ruey-Jay for their research assistance, and Jessica Loon and Stephine Corso for their editorial assistance.     

Mill, Liberty and the Facts of Life

This paper examines John Stuart Mill's discussion of economic liberty and individual liberty, and his view of the relationship between the two. It explores how, and how effectively, Mill developed his arguments about the two liberties; reveals the lineages of thought from which they derived; and considers how his arguments were altered by political economists not long after his death. It is argued that the distinction Mill drew between the two liberties provided him with a framework of concepts which legitimized significant government intervention in economic matters without restricting individual liberty.     

Reason and the Restlessness of the Speculative: Jean-Luc Nancy's Reading of Hegel

Abstract

This paper examines Jean-Luc Nancy's interpretation of Hegel, focusing in particular on The Restlessness of the Negative. It is argued that Nancy's reading represents a significant break with other post-structuralist readings of Hegel by taking his thought to be non-metaphysical. The paper focuses in particular on the role Nancy gives to the negative in Hegel's thought. Ultimately Nancy's reading is limited as an interpretation of Hegel, since he gives no sustained explanation of the self-correcting function of reason.     

Martin Luther King's Civil Disobedience and the American Covenant Tradition

Daniel J. Elazar introduced the covenant idea to political sciencein his four-volume work, The Covenant Tradition in Politics.As he showed, American government and society are indebted tocovenant ways of New England Puritans and their doctrine, "federaltheology". Puritan covenants fostered polities whose framesof government and patterns of civil order established a federalmatrix antecedent to modern American federalism. The moral orientationof covenant has also influenced modern American political thought,as evidenced by the public philosophy articulated by the Rev.Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. during the Civil Rights Movement(1954–1968). In such works as "The Letter from the BirminghamCity Jail," King challenged his contemporaries' ideas aboutlaw and justice, Americans with an opportunity to examine moderncovenant practice.     

试论托尼的平等观

平等思想历来是中外思想家所关注和深入研究的大问题,英国近代思想家托尼是研究平等思想的著名学者,他从天赋、平等对待和平等推进等角度极赋见地地论述和阐发了平等思想,他的所有政治构想、经济研究和对社会、历史的探索都是围绕平等展开的。可以说平等是托尼全部政治思想的基础和核心。     

The semiotic limbo of the pacific

Deleuze's study of his friend Michel Toumier's first novel Vendredi has widely been seen as a pivotal point in the development of his thought; Alphonso Lingis even sees it as the final articulation of the concept of the ‘elemental sign’. Contrary to this view, this paper argues that Deleuze's postface anticipates in important ways the semiotics of Mille Plateaux, but that Deleuze's reading has been so influential as to obscure Tournier's own? which may be shown to be much more concerned with the immediate politics of the French presence in the Pacific.     

The National Character of Ernest Barker's Political Science

This article considers the writings of Sir Ernest Barker (1874–1960). one of the first professional political scientists in Britain. It examines his background in Literae Hwnaniores and Modern History at late-Victorian Oxford, disciplines which respectively imparted the idealist and Whig framework of his later thought. It is argued that Barker's fusion of these two rival discourses - together with the concerns of early twentieth-century pluralism - reinforced powerful cultural motifs. As a consequence, the significance of political science Seems to have outstretched the academic boundaries in which it increasingly became confined after his death.     

Four myths in the history of social thought

Four commonly held interpretations of the development of European social thought in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are analysed and criticised, with particular reference to Durkheim's writings. These four myths are: the notion that Durkheim's sociology developed in substantial degree as a response to the ‘problem of order’; the conception that Durkheim's work is to be understood in terms of its origins in ‘conservative’ social thought; the view that Durkheim's writings, together with those of some of his contemporaries, mark a radical break in the transition from ‘social philosophy’ to ‘sociology’; and the idea that the type of intellectual tradition represented by Durkheim, concerned with the ‘problem of order’, can be usefully compared with a divergent tradition concerned with ‘conflict’ and ‘change’. It is argued that while these myths each contain a kernel of truth, this can only be extracted if Durkheim's writings are examined in relation to the historical context in which he developed his sociological concerns.     

Canguilhem and the problem of pathology

This article examines continuities and change in Cangilhem's thought with particular reference to the status of biology and sociology and to the theme of intellectual and social progress. It is suggested that one of the central issues of Cangilhem's writings is an attempt to work through the problems raised by the programme of Comtean positivism. The fact that Canguilhem's reflections were not completely unambigous is dusscussed through an examination of those parts his work which deal directly or indirectly with pathology.     

The Environmental Record of the Soviet Union

ABSTRACT

This article rethinks John Holloway’s emancipatory theory by “opening” his key concept of “dignity.” It argues that, while Holloway’s use of this concept works well for emphasising the uniqueness of human beings’ ability to both resist and challenge capitalist social relations, due to its underlying Kantian heritage, it is both excessively restrictive and limits the extent to which he can unlock the full potential of his theory, particularly when considering the development of new ecological sensibilities. To this end, the article explores the possibility of supplanting the concept of dignity with that of “Self-realisation.” While not entirely unproblematic, this concept not only reinforces the uniqueness Holloway associates with human agency but also helps unravel a more substantive virtue-orientated approach consistent with his thought.