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1.
Chengqiu Wu 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2010,15(1):71-97
The question of whether human rights are above sovereignty has dominated China’s human rights discourse. Relying on a sovereignty-human
rights spectrum, this article reviews China’s behaviors, particularly its participation in the UN Security Council, in managing
the three major international humanitarian crises in the post-Cold War era—Rwanda, Kosovo, and Darfur, and finds that there
have been impressive changes in China’s response to the crises. Yet, a content analysis of China’s official discourse on human
rights finds that China’s attitudes towards sovereignty and human rights have not changed much. Drawing on constructivist
international relations theory, this article attempts to explain the paradox. It is argued that the international discourse
on the “responsibility to protect” has brought about changes in international norms regarding violations of human rights and
humanitarian law, and that, having undergone in recent years an identity change from a defensive power of bitterness and insecurity
to a rising power aspiring to take more responsibility, China is more concerned about its national image and more receptive
to international norms, which has led to the changes in its response to international humanitarian crises. 相似文献
2.
Hal K. Colebatch 《Policy Sciences》2006,39(4):309-321
The mainstream policy literature identifies a number of activities as part of ‘policy-making’: ‘policy analysis’, ‘policy
advice’, ‘decision-making’, and perhaps also ‘implementation’ and ‘evaluation’. Describing policy in these terms is compatible
with the Western cultural account, and these terms tend to be applied to positions, organisational segments and official procedures.
But policy practitioners tend to find that on the one hand, their experience of their work bears little resemblance to the
assumptions in this policy-making model, and on the other, that policy outcomes seem to reflect much broader processes than
the work of specialist functionaries. On closer examination, we find that our thinking about policy activity draws on several
distinct and potentially conflicting perspectives, and that what is seen as ‘policy work’ depends on the conceptualisation
of the policy process. Framing the question in this way helps to understand the apparent differences between mainstream (American)
accounts of policy activity and policy practice in other political systems. 相似文献
3.
Kristin Shrader-Frechette 《Human Rights Review》2005,7(1):92-110
After giving a brief account of human rights, the paper investigates five contemporary attacks on them. All of the attacks
come from two contemporary proponents of the cost-benefit state, attorney Cass Sunstein and philosopher Larry Laudan. These
attacks may be called, respectively, the rationality, objectivity, permission, voluntariness, and comparativism claims. Laudan's
and Sunstein's rationality claim (RC) ist that only policy decisions passing cost-benefit tests are rational. Their objectivity presupposition (OP) is that only acute, deterministic threats to life are objective. Sunstein’s permission claim (PC) is that regulators are merely permitted, 3 not required, to take
distributive and human rights concerns into account. Sunstein’s 3
voluntariness claim (VC) is that the consent of potential victims is not relevant to government regulations about risks and benefits. Laudan’s
comparativism claim 3 (CC) is that there are no rules of thumb, no precomparative
norms like human rights, for assessing theory choice in policy science. The paper analyzes each of these claims, shows how
they undercut human rights, and argues that each of them errs. 相似文献
4.
International human rights treaties and declarations lay out the interconnection of civil and political rights with economic,
social, and cultural rights. However, it was not until 1993 at the 2nd UN Conference on Human Rights in Vienna that governments agreed that all of women’s rights are an integral part of human
rights. Promoting women’s economic, social, and cultural rights is a critical human rights advocacy issue. Poverty leaves
women more exposed to violence and less able to escape it, and severely restricts women’s ability to organize and fight for
change. The article describes work by AI and other NGOs on violence against women and its connection with women's poverty
and lack of education, healthcare, housing, and access to land in Africa. Besides the burgeoning of African women’s organizations
calling for protection of all women’s human rights, a second hopeful development has been approval in July 2003 of an historic
Protocol on the Rights of women in Africa. 相似文献
5.
Miodrag A. Jovanović 《Human Rights Review》2010,11(1):17-44
The first part of the paper focuses on the current debate over the universality of human rights. After conceptually distinguishing
between different types of universality, it employs Sen’s definition that the claim of a universal value is the one that people
anywhere may have reason to see as valuable. When applied to human rights, this standard implies “thin” (relative, contingent)
universality, which might be operationally worked-out as in Donnelly’s three-tiered scheme of concepts–conceptions–implementations. The second part is devoted to collective rights, which have recently become a new topic of the human rights debate. This
part provides the basis of political–philosophical justification and legal–theoretical conceptualization of collective rights,
as rights directly vested in collective entities. The third part dwells on the problem of universality of collective rights.
It differentiates between the three main collective entities in international law—peoples, minorities, and indigenous peoples—and
investigates whether certain rights vested in these collectives might, according to Sen’s standard, acquire the status of
the universal ones. After determining that some rights are, in principle, plausible candidates for such a status in international
law, this paper concludes by taking notice of a number of the open issues that still need to be settled, primarily by the
cooperative endeavor of international legal scholars and legal theorists. 相似文献
6.
Deryck Beyleveld 《Human Rights Review》2012,13(1):1-18
Alan Gewirth’s claim that agents contradict that they are agents if they do not accept that the principle of generic consistency
(PGC) is the supreme principle of practical rationality has been greeted with widespread scepticism. The aim of this article
is not to defend this claim but to show that if the first and least controversial of the three stages of Gewirth’s argument
for the PGC is sound, then agents must interpret and give effect to human rights in ways consistent with the PGC, or deny
that human beings are equal in dignity and rights (which idea defines human rights) or that they are agents (and hence subject
to any rules at all). Implications for the interpretation of the international legal system of human rights inspired by the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 are sketched. 相似文献
7.
The Denial of Virtue 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Amitai Etzioni 《Society》2008,45(1):12-19
When a New York City man risked his own life to save a stranger on the subway tracks, the New York Times interpreted his behavior
not in terms of virtue but as a product of certain ‘hard-wiring’ he happened to possess. In denying virtue, the Times followed
a school of thought that is pervasive in social science (referred to in this paper as the ‘individualists’) who, for example,
explain charitable donations by pointing out tax deductions, explain volunteer work by revealing the opportunities contained
therein to meet other singles, and so on. Actually, the assumptions and arguments which ground this widespread ‘denial of
virtue’ are both empirically and normatively flawed, and the theory itself is belied by data about people doing good for moral
reasons. Evidence drawn from personal introspection, from empirical studies of human behavior, from analysis of voting as
a civil act, from interpreting peoples’ reaction to Alzheimer’s disease, from critical inspection of the logic of ‘individualist’
social explanations, and from a normative criticism of the products of the ‘individualist’ approach all support a rejection
of the ‘individualist’ approach. The deniers of virtue should heed the evidence and pay mind to the amoralizing consequences
of their erroneous theories.
相似文献
Amitai EtzioniEmail: |
8.
Kristina A. Bentley 《Human Rights Review》2005,6(4):48-68
This paper is about conflicts of rights, and the particularly difficult challenges that such conflicts present when they entail
women’s equality and claims of cultural recognition. South Africa since 1994 has presented a series of challenging—but by
no means unique—circumstances many of which entail conflicting claims of rights. The central aim of this paper is, to make
sense of the idea that the institution of traditional leadership can be sustained—and indeed given new, more concrete powers—in
a democracy; and to explore the implications that this has for women’s equality and equal human rights. This is a particularly
pertinent question in the South African context, and I think it is worth reiterating from the outset that there is a distinct
impression that women’s equality is always “up for grabs” when other, perhaps more powerful interests, come into play, in
a way that would be unacceptable for other aspects of identity, and therefore signifiers of equality. It would be inconceivable,
for example, to countenance a claim for a hierarchical racial arrangement in a given community, no matter how deeply culturally entrenched that arrangement was, and regardless of how
much support it (ostensibly) had from the community concerned. I think therefore that we are obliged to ask difficult questions
about the new legislation on traditional leadership, and to put it under the microscope of political theory in assessing the
claim that this is one way of recognizing people’s rights and freedoms in a new democracy.
The Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act 2003, omits reference to the “powers” of traditional leaders, but rather refers to “functions and roles” which was regarded
as something of a victory for women’s rights groups. However, the Commission on Gender Equality (CGE) and others point out
that this victory has been all but nullified by the Communal Land Rights Act, 2004, which allocates powers of land administration to traditional councils, which are headed by traditional leaders. In
any event, the “functions and roles” that traditional leaders are allocated in terms of the 2003 Act are sufficiently extensive
that they may be seen to allocate “power” with the reference to lesser competence appearing to be a mere semantic device for
the sake of compromise. 相似文献
9.
Alan Irwin 《Policy Sciences》1987,20(4):339-364
Controversy and public conflict seem to be inevitable features of contemporary risk debates. In the face of such disputes,
one common response has been to characterise disagreement as a disparity between expert analyses of ‘actual’ risk, and emotional
‘perceptions’ of hazard. This paper uses the example of the British policy debate over compulsory seat belt wear in order
to argue that these characterisations are inaccurate and obstructive. Instead, an ‘institutional’ perspective on such issues
is advocated - this perspective considers the effect of political and organisational factors in shaping the direction of public
debate. The analysis here focuses particularly on expert disagreement over the likely effectiveness of seat belt laws - the
debate over ‘risk compensation’ is reviewed both before and after the introduction of seat belt laws as an ‘experimental’
measure. 相似文献
10.
Then newly elected Labor Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, made a historic statement of “Sorry” for past injustices to Australian
Indigenous peoples at the opening of the 2008 federal parliament. In the long-standing absence of a constitutional ‘foundational
principle’ to shape positive federal initiatives in this context, there has been speculation that the emphatic Sorry Statement
may presage formal constitutional recognition. The debate is long overdue in a nation that only overturned the legal fiction
of terra nullius and recognised native title to lan with the High Court’s decision in Mabo in 1992. This article explores
the implications of the Sorry Statement in the context of reparations for the generations removed from their families under
assimilation policies (known since the Bringing Them Home Inquiry as the Stolen Generations). We draw out the utility of recent human rights statutes—such as the Human Rights Act 2004 (ACT)—as a mechanism for facilitating justice, including compensation for past wrongs. Our primary concern here is whether
existing legal processes in Australia hold further capacity to provide reparation for Australian Indigenous peoples or whether
their potential in that regard is already exhausted. We compare common law and statutory developments in other international
jurisdictions, such as Canada, as an indication of what can be achieved by the law to facilitate better legal, economic and
social outcomes for Indigenous peoples. The year 2008 also saw Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper express his apology
to residential school victims in the Canadian Parliament, providing thematic and symbolic echoes across these two former colonies,
which, despite remaining under the British monarchy, both forge their own path into the future, while confronting their own
unique colonial past. We suggest that the momentum provided by the recent public apology and statement of “Sorry” by the newly
elected Australian Prime Minister must not be lost. This symbolic utterance as a first act of the 2008 parliamentary year
stood in stark contrast to the long-standing recalcitrance of the former Prime Minister John Howard on the matter of a formal
apology. Rather than a return to a law enforcement-inspired “three strikes and you’re out” approach, Australia stands poised
for an overdue constitutional and human rights-inspired “three ‘sorries’ and you’re in”. 相似文献
11.
A strong record of human rights protections is an important factor for a state to maintain a positive international reputation.
In this article, we suggest that states will use compliance with human rights treaties as a mechanism by which to improve
their reputations to help achieve their foreign policy goals. We hypothesize that international human rights compliance is
a means to improve a state’s reputation in three specific situations: when the state is facing regional pressures as the result
of a desire to join a regional organization; when the state is facing regional pressures not to run afoul of a court within
a regional organization; or when a state seeks foreign assistance from an entity with human rights requirements for the receipt
of such assistance. We examine our theory by analyzing human rights reports regarding state compliance with specific treaty
obligations outlined in the Convention Against Torture (CAT). While the evidence for our hypotheses is mixed, we do find some
support for our assertion that state compliance is linked to reputational concerns. In particular, states comply with the
CAT when they are part of a regional organization that has a human rights court, and when they are receiving conditional aid
from the European Union. 相似文献
12.
Costas Panagopoulos 《Political Behavior》2010,32(3):369-386
Citizens generally try to cooperate with social norms, especially when norm compliance is monitored and publicly disclosed.
A recent field experimental study demonstrates that civic appeals that tap into social pressure motivate electoral participation
appreciably (Gerber et al., Am Polit Sci Rev 102:33–48, 2008). Building on this work, I use field experimental techniques to examine further the socio-psychological mechanisms that underpin
this effect. I report the results of three field experiments conducted in the November 2007 elections designed to test whether
voters are more effectively mobilized by appeals that engender feelings of pride (for reinforcing or perpetuating social and
cultural values or norms) or shame (for violating social and cultural values or norms). Voters in Monticello, Iowa and Holland,
Michigan were randomly assigned to receive a mailing that indicated the names of all verified voters in the November 2007
election would be published in the local newspaper (pride treatment). In Ely, Iowa voters were randomly assigned to receive
a mailing that indicated the names of all verified nonvoters would be published in the local newspaper (shame treatment).
The experimental findings suggest shame may be more effective than pride on average, but this may depend on who the recipients
are. Pride motivates compliance with voting norms only amongst high-propensity voters, while shame mobilizes both high- and
low-propensity voters. 相似文献
13.
This article contributes to the debate on livelihood diversification in rural sub-Saharan Africa, focusing specifically on
the growing economic importance of artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) in the region. The precipitous decline in the value
of many export crops and the removal of subsidies on crucial inputs such as fertilizers have made smallholder production unviable,
forcing many farmers to ‘branch out’ into non-farm activities to supplement their incomes. One of the more popular destinations
for poor farmers is the low-tech ASM sector which, because of its low barriers to entry, has absorbed millions of rural Africans
over the past two decades, the majority of whom are engaged in the extraction of near-surface mineral deposits located on
concessions that have been demarcated to multinational corporations. The efforts made hitherto to control this illegal mining
activity, both through force and regulation, however, have had little effect, forcing many of the region’s governments and
private sector partners to ‘re-think’ their approaches. One strategy that has gained considerable attention throughout the
region is intensified support for agrarian-orientated activities, many of which, despite the problems plaguing smallholder
agricultural sector and challenges with making it more economically sustainable, are being lauded as appropriate ‘alternative’
sources of employment to artisanal mining. After examining where artisanal mining fits into the de-agrarianization ‘puzzle’
in sub-Saharan Africa, the article critiques the efficacy of ‘re-agrarianization’ as a strategy for addressing the region’s
illegal mining problem. A case study of Ghana is used to shed further light on these issues. 相似文献
14.
Ari Kohen 《Human Rights Review》2005,7(1):49-75
This article explores Alan Gewirth’s argument for a secular foundation for the idea
2 of human rights as a possible response to Michael J. Perry’s claim “that the idea of
3 human rights is…ineliminably religious.” I examine Gewirth’s reasoning for constructing
3 a theory, namely that existing theories are fundamentally flawed and leave the idea of human rights without a logically
consistent foundation, before considering in detail his claims for the Principle of Generic Consistency (PGC). Having looked
at his critique of numerous other theories, as well as at his own argument about human action grounding basic rights to freedom
and well-being, I then offer a critique of Gewirth’s PGC. Ultimately my conclusion is that Gewrith's
3 theory relies too heavily on the notions, first that we have a meta-desire not to contradict ourselves and, second, that
we are unable to find persuasive justifications for our behavior that might allow us to avoid self-contradiction. If one is
not troubled by charges of self-contradiction or, as is more often the case, one does not recognize that one’s victim is as
much a human being as oneself, Gewirth’s theory 5 V 3 will not seem
particularly persuasive. *** DIRECT SUPPORT *** A28BB025 00003 相似文献
15.
16.
Paul Lewis 《Society》2010,47(3):207-213
Peter Berger has attempted to develop an account of the relationship between social structure and human agency that navigates
a middle way between voluntarism and determinism. Berger’s approach has been criticised by social theorists for reproducing,
rather than transcending, the very errors of voluntarism and determinism that he strives to avoid. However, the critics have
focused on Berger’s explicit, meta-theoretical pronouncements about the nature or ontology of the social world, whilst ignoring
the more sophisticated account of the structure agency relationship that is implicit in, and presupposed by, his substantive
sociological research. The notions of ‘emergence’ and ‘emergent properties’ are used to develop an account of the structure-agency
relationship that is consistent with Berger’s concrete sociological work, whilst avoiding the shortcomings of his explicit
reflections about the nature of the social world. 相似文献
17.
Theresa W. Tobin 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(4):521-530
One popular strategy of opposition to practices of female genital cutting (FCG) is rooted in the global feminist movement.
Arguing that women’s rights are human rights, global feminists contend that practices of FGC are a culturally specific manifestation
of gender-based oppression that violates a number of rights. Many African feminists resist a women’s rights approach. They
argue that by focusing on gender as the primary axis of oppression affecting the African communities where FGC occurs, a women’s
rights approach has misrepresented African women as passive victims who need to be rescued from African men and has obscured
the role of certain international institutions that have perpetuated the oppression of African women. In this paper, I defend
these critiques by arguing that the use of a women’s rights framework to combat practices of female genital cutting among
African communities has often been practically ineffective and morally inappropriate. 相似文献
18.
Brian Grodsky 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):219-238
In this paper, I explore the formation of human rights attitudes among what I call the “silent majority” in the post-communist
countries of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union. This is the large, diverse group of people never directly confronted
with harsh methods of repression under communism. I argue here that the foundations for conceptualizing human rights are based
on the degree and saliency of exposure to rights violations and that, for many citizens of Central and Eastern Europe, life
behind the “iron curtain” is associated with relatively fewer rights violations than life after the iron curtain’s fall. Comparative
personal experiences will play a key role in explaining how these citizens conceptualize human rights. I test this argument
by applying it to the cases of Poland, where I conducted a total of 68 randomly selected non-elite interviews in an effort
to probe for key factors defining individuals’ conceptions of human rights.
相似文献
Brian GrodskyEmail: |
19.
Shareen Hertel 《Human Rights Review》2005,6(3):102-118
This article challenges key aspects of theories on norms evolution, transnational advocacy, and social movements. It demonstrates
that the “emergence” phase of the “norms life cycle” model (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998) is more internally contested than
currently interpreted. It develops two alternatives to the “boomerang” model of transnational advocacy (Keck and Sikkink 1998).
It highlights and explains differences—rather than similarities—in the framing strategies of actors involved in globalized
protests. It explores the influence of several key “microsociological factors” (Giugni 2002) on the evolution of those stragegies.
Empirically the article focuses on the World Trade Organization's Third Ministerial meeting at Seattle in 1999. It analyzes
why and how social movement actors framed different interpretations of the human rights at stake in the context of international
trade. Framing innovations may have had short-term strategic value at Seattle, but did not lead to a unified understanding
of human rights, either among activists themselves or among the government and corporate actors they sought to influence through
protest. 相似文献
20.
Ariel Colonomos 《Human Rights Review》2004,5(2):22-47
Conclusion The United States is using the theme of rights to build its unilateralism. In order to transform this unilateralism into a
convincing universalism, it needs to reinforce its “soft power,” appeal to its partners and convince them of the necessity
of its initiatives. Aggressive or offensive rights and crude unilateral military interventions are dangerous per se; they
might also endanger American power in the long run. Culturally, this challenge is rooted in America’s origins and in its enthusiastic
desire to reform the world. In that respect, the shaping of a so-called “world community,” America is challenging continental
Europe and its hierarchical universal power rooted in Catholic verticality. On the contrary, the U.S. conception of power
is based on a horizontal dynamic, inspired by the structure of the reformation movement. American coercive rights are defying
a universal powerless law; Luther is certainly taking its revenge against Rome. Indeed, as for now, America’s universal competence
turns out to be more effective than the ICC. However, if the United States does not take into account its own aspirations
to define universal norms, it will be more and more difficult for the United States to justify the necessity of its military
decisions. any step back to crude realism could be a fatal regression. It will be a mistake for the pursuit of America’s own
interests; it would also most probably endanger the stability of the international system, as it would foster rivalries and
hostile reactions. 相似文献