The U. N. Disposal of Eritrea

This forms the greater part of a lecture given on the 29th January,with Major-General Sir Richard Lewis in the Chair. In introducingthe speaker General Lewis said that Sir Duncan Cumming had beenone of the first to enter Eritrea when it was captured duringthe war and had been the last to leave in 1952. During, andafter, the war, Sir Duncan had been responsible for the civiladministration of all of the occupied Italian Colonies in theMiddle East, of which Eritrea was one. In 1949, he returnedto his own service in the Sudan and in February, 1951, whenhis predecessor retired from Eritrea owing to ill health, heconsented to undertake the difficult task of implementing theUnited Nations resolution on Eritrea. In eighteen months hehad to hold democratic general elections, in an area where suchthings were not well understood, to create a Government in accordancewith the provisions of the constitution and the resolution,to create a civil service, which entailed as a starting pointthe elementary education of selected literates, and to leavethe country with a balanced budget. Sir Duncan had not had aclean start at the job because at the time of his arrival inEritrea it was not possible to move about freely. The localbrigands had made unescorted movement unsafe: incidents occurreddaily and murders and atrocities were frequent. By the latesummer of 1951 he had made brigandage unprofitable and was ableto turn to his constructive task. In doing so, he won the confidenceand respect and, indeed, the affection, not of merely some ofthe conflicting interests but of them all.     

如何看待美国的软实力

约瑟夫·奈1990年提出"软实力"的概念是旨在回应盛行其时的"美国衰落论"。近年来,随着世界上反美情绪的日益高涨,又出现了"美国软实力衰落论"。实际上,美国软实力的各个组成部分,如美国在科技、教育、人口方面的竞争力,以及在思想、规范和制度安排方面的影响力,均未衰落。真正影响美国软实力的因素是美国民众的情绪和国内分歧。     

Economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region and the role of the P.R.C.

His publications includeChina’s Development Experience in Comparative Perspective, and, with Allen Whiting,China’s Future. This is a revised version of a paper presented at a conference on “Problems of Peace, Security and Economic Cooperation in Asia and the Pacific” June 1987, in Beijing, P.R.C. The conference was co-sponsored by the Institute for Sino-Soviet Studies and the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations, Beijing, P.R.C.     

INTERVIEW WITH RITA E. HAUSER

Ms. Hauser is an International lawyer and head of the American branch of the Tel Aviv-based International Center for Peace in the Middle East. She was a member of the Brookings Institution's Middle East Study Group in 1975 and 1987-88 and is a former U.S. representative at the U.N. Commission on Human Rights. Ms. Hauser was also a U.S. delegate to the 24th U.N. General Assembly and has long been active in Republican party circles. In December 1988, she led a group of American Jews in meetings with PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat in Stockholm and Geneva. The delegation was instrumental in Arafat's explicit clarification that the PLO had recognized Israel, accepted Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 and renounced terrorism, a move that prompted the Reagan administration to open a “substantive dialogue” with the PLO. The following interview was conducted by Roger Gaess, a free-lance journalist, on December 20, 1991, at Ms. Hauser's office in midtown Manhattan.     

The Secret of Akom.I

This pioneer African study of the Gold Coast fetish-art is bya Methodist minister, at Manso-Atwere. He explains, in a preface,that his main informant was Opanin Kwaku Addae, who was convertedto Christianity after a life-time spent as a priest of Tannq,an orthodox obosom in Ashanti.     

B.H.P.’s “Place in the Industrial Sun”: Whyalla in its Golden Age

Whyalla epitomised the promises of industrialism and consumerism during Australia’s Golden Age of capitalism, roughly 1945–1975. Located on South Australia’s Eyre Peninsula, Whyalla was a bustling industrial town (later a city) following the Second World War. It was home to the shipyard of Broken Hill Proprietary Company Limited (BHP) and, from 1965, a steelworks. Before the war, Whyalla had been a company town, one planned and directed by BHP. Following the Second World War, it had morphed into a hybrid public–private town, albeit one that was heavily influenced by BHP, so much so that many still considered Whyalla to be a company town. Drawing from company materials, parliamentary records, oral histories, and the Whyalla News, this article argues that, together, BHP, the South Australian government, and residents conveyed and developed Whyalla to be an “Industrial Eden”. These actors forged postwar Whyalla to be a metaphor for what BHP, South Australia, and, ultimately, Australia had to offer. Whyalla represented progress, modernity, abundance, and stability. Moreover, it was presented and even accepted as a great place to live and work. For a moment, Whyalla was a capitalist utopia.     

F.L. McDougall and the Origins of the FAO

This article evaluates the role of Frank Lidgett McDougall, Australian economist, businessman and public servant, in the creation of the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). It traces McDougall's development from an advocate of preferential trade within the British Empire to his embrace of a broader, more internationalist, concept of nutrition. By the mid-1930s, McDougall's advocacy of policies to improve nutrition worldwide through "marrying health and agriculture" led to the Australian government's advocacy of such policies in the League of Nations. McDougall was successful in persuading Australian policy makers that proposals to improveworldwide nutritional levels were also in Australia's best interest, by increasing demand for Australian agricultural exports. Finally, McDougall's significant personal role in the establishment of the FAO is assessed as the culmination of his career as a major behind-the-scenes architect of public policy.     

A real electoral duel between the P.J.D. and the P.A.M.? Analysing constituency-level competitiveness in the 2016 Moroccan elections

ABSTRACT

This article examines electoral competitiveness between the two main contenders in Morocco’s 2016 legislative elections, i.e. the Islamist Party of Justice and Development (P.J.D.) and the pro-monarchy Party of Authenticity and Modernity (P.A.M.). In contrast with electoral results at the national level, which reflect a high parliamentary competitiveness between these two parties, the analysis of competitiveness at the local constituency level (92 electoral districts) leads to quite different conclusions. The degree of local standard competitiveness between the P.J.D. and the P.A.M. was generally very low and, in most of the districts, the Islamists held a large advantage over the P.A.M. Other third parties also played a significant role and became the voters’ first or second choice in some districts, with the effect of increasing parliamentary fragmentation and decreasing competitiveness between the P.J.D. and the P.A.M. Thus, the proportional system used in a large number of districts contributed to achieving the monarchy’s aim of avoiding a predominant party. Also, the central role played by the loyalist National Rally of Independents (R.N.I.) in blocking the coalition government talks after the elections questions the idea that the Moroccan party system is becoming polarized between the P.J.D. and the P.A.M.     

U.S.-China relations in the post-cold war period: A Chinese perspective

After the collapse of the Soviet Union the anti-Soviet rationale for U.S.-China ties was exhausted. Today, both countries are trying to define the new foundation and intrinsic value of their long-term relationship in the post-cold war era. Although human rights, trade, and weapons proliferation issues were major obstacles to the improvement of bilateral relations, recent developments have shown that by making mutual concessions and showing good will, the PRC and the United States can avert confrontation and build a constructive relationship. He was a visiting scholar at Stanford University between 1993 and 1994.     

The Failure of U.S. Policy Toward Iraq And Proposed Alternatives

The document that follows is the result of two meetings initiated in 2001 by Foreign Policy In Focus (FPIF) to examine the failure of current U.S. policy toward Iraq and to draw up a statement outlining the components of a new, more humane and effective policy. It was prepared by Phyllis Bennis, Stephen Zunes and Martha Honey.     

The revolutionary pacifism of A.J. Muste: On the backgrounds of the Pacific War

Abstract

In the summer of 1977, two journalists, John Barron and Anthony Paul, published a book which in the United States was entitled Murder of a Gentle Land and in Britain Peace with Horror. In both cases the subtitle was The Untold Story of Communist Genocide in Cambodia. The authors are both working at the institution, The Reader's Digest, which publishes a monthly appearing in 32 countries in 13 languages. In February 1977 The Reader's Digest published a summary of their book which thus became available to more than 30 million readers all over the world.     

North Korea’s perspective on the U.S.-North Korea peace treaty

Kim Byong Hong is deputy director of the Institute for Disarmament and Peace, Pyongyang, DPRK. This paper was presented at a conference in Pyongyang in fall 1994.     

Konsens und widerstand. städtische obrigkeit und landschaftliche partizipation im städtischen territorium bern (15.‐16. jahrhundert)

The documentary and bibliographic references at our disposal in relation to the buildings where Valencian parliamentary sessions were held during the Middle and Modern Ages are very scarce. The available data show a practically exclusive utilization of religious buildings (temples and convents). The causes of this preference must lie in medieval policy, practical reasons and a certain connotation of neutrality which was inherent to such buildings. In any case, their utilization implied fitting out the religious building in question so as to adapt it to the new parliamentary functions via a convenient distribution of its space and the execution of ephemeral works in it. In turn, secular spaces, and more precisely those of royal ownership (castles, palaces), were occasionally used for the celebration of some parliamentary assemblies. But these assemblies were never entirely held from their opening to their closure in those contexts; only some of their sessions took place in those premises. The celebration of Valencian parliamentary sessions in privately owned buildings of ecclesiastical or aristocratic nature was exceptional.     

SYMPOSIUM ON DUAL CONTAINMENT: U.S. POLICY TOWARD IRAN AND IRAQ

The following is an edited version of a symposium sponsored by the Middle East Policy Council on February 24, 1994, in the Russell Senate Office Building in Washington, D.C. George McGovern, president of the Council, moderated the panel; Thomas R. Mattair, the Councis resident policy analyst, was the organizer and discussant.     

1960-1962年老挝危机与美泰关系

老挝政局在1954年日内瓦会议后深受东亚冷战形势的影响.1960-1962年危机使老挝成为国际社会关注的焦点,东南亚条约组织的作用受到严峻考验.美国和泰国对东南亚战略及老挝局势的判断和考虑不同.为解决由此引起的矛盾,两国通过<腊斯克一他纳声明>结为双边安全同盟.美泰关系的加强对东南亚冷战具有重要影响.     

The Cerberus from Warringah: F.A. Bland and the Renaissance of the Public Accounts Committee

In 1932 the Lyons UAP government suspended the operations of the Commonwealth parliament's public accounts committee, allegedly as an economy measure. The role of public accounts committees is, in principle, that of a non‐partisan reviewer of the public finances, but in this case the committee had diverged from its charter and become involved in politics and policy. Twenty years later, the Menzies government resurrected the committee. A crucial figure in its re‐establishment was F.A. Bland, variously a professor of public administration, member for Warringah in the House of Representatives, and a significant public intellectual from the 1920s to the 1960s. Today Bland is almost forgotten but the role the re‐established committee played in its early days was largely a reflection of his interests and commitments.     

Exclusion of Taiwan activists diminishes impact of the U.N. fourth world conference on women

Abstract

It has been widely reported that six bona fide organizations from Taiwan with expertise in the advancement of women and women's rights were denied accreditation to participate as nongovernmental organization observers to the official U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women that was recently held in Beijing, China. In addition, numerous women from Taiwan and also Tibet were excluded from attending the parallel Nongovernmental Organization (NGO) Forum on Women ’95. This forum was specifically mandated to include all women and men from around the world who wanted to discuss the advancement of women. Originally the NGO forum was to be located in close proximity to the official conference in Beijing, but four months prior to the conference China announced that the NGO forum would be moved to a rural location forty kilometers outside of Beijing. The leadership of the NGO forum protested this change, but was assured by China that all applicants who submitted registration forms on time would be accommodated and granted visas.