The Language of the UN: Vagueness in Security Council Resolutions Relating to the Second Gulf War

Over the last few years the diplomatic language of UN resolutions has repeatedly been questioned for the excessive presence of vagueness. The use of vague terms could be connected to the genre of diplomatic texts, as resolutions should be applicable to every international contingency and used to mitigate tensions between different legal cultures. However, excessive vagueness could also lead to biased or even strategically-motivated interpretations of resolutions, undermining their legal impact and triggering conflicts instead of diplomatic solutions. This study aims at investigating intentional vagueness in Security Council resolutions, by focussing on the analysis of the resolutions relating to the second Gulf war. Using the qualitative Discourse-Historical approach (Wodak in Rhetorics of racism and antisemitism, Taylor & Francis Ltd., London [2000]) and quantitative analysis tools (Antconc and Sketch Engine), special attention is given to the historical/political consequences of the vagueness and indeterminacy used in that framework and to the study of vague ‘weasel words’ (Mellinkoff in The language of the law, Little, Brown & Company, Boston [1963]), modals, and adjectives contained in the corpus. The hypothesis of intentional vagueness is further reinforced through an analysis of the US legislation related to the outbreak of the war, to reveal how the US has legally interpreted UN legislation and to understand the purposes and consequences of vague language contained in it. The findings indicate that vagueness in resolutions has triggered the Iraqi conflict instead of diplomatic solutions with the overall legislative intent of using intentional vagueness as a political strategy.     

How an Elite-Engineered Moral Panic Led to the U.S. War on Iraq

Critics argue that the G.W. Bush administration deliberately misled the U.S. public about an Iraqi threat after 9/11 but empirical evidence that presidential deception influenced public support for war has been lacking. An examination of presidential rhetoric concerning Iraq in the U.S. media revealed that it changed in tone after 9/11, consistent with moral panic processes. Logistic regression analysis of public opinion leading up to the war revealed that shifts in support for invasion directly mirrored presidential rhetoric. The findings of this study suggest that the Bush administration engineered a moral panic over Iraq with the support of the media.     

Whose Fault Is it Anyway? Political Orientation, Attributions of Responsibility, and Support for the War in Iraq

Political orientation has been shown to be a strong predictor of attitudes toward war. Specifically, political conservatism has been associated with increased support for war and with decreased attribution of responsibility for war to one’s own government. The present research aims to test whether the relationship between political orientation and support for the war in Iraq is mediated by attributions of government responsibility. In Study 1, survey data showed that the relationship between political orientation and support for the Iraq war was mediated by beliefs about the US government’s motivations for the war. Study 2 provided a conceptual replication of the proposed mediation model and extended the findings from beliefs about US government motivations to perceived threat from the pre-war Iraqi government. Study 3 used an experimental paradigm to manipulate perceived threat to show that such beliefs directly affected support for the war. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.     

Iraq and the case for Australian war crimes trials

This article presents the case for Australian war crimes trials, following Australian participation in the invasion of Iraq and the subsequent deaths of as many as a million Iraqi civilians. It focuses on jus in bello (war crimes) rather than jus ad bellum (just war). The article sets out the argument and rationale that Australian war crimes trials are needed. Having established the necessity, the article identifies two of the principal alleged atrocities for which Australian officials should be held criminally accountable. It details Australian military support for the use of cluster bombs against civilians during the 2003 invasion, and senior Australian military commanders’ responsibility for planning and carrying out multiple purported war crimes during the attack on Fallujah in late 2004. The article recognises that, in order for Australian officials to be prosecuted under the International Criminal Court (ICC), all domestic remedies must be first exhausted. It therefore specifically addresses which Australian laws can be used, with particular emphasis on anti-terrorist legislation passed in 2002 under the Howard Government and the introduction into Australia’s domestic federal criminal legislation offences equivalent to the ICC Statute offences of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. These provide the most applicable legal tools for prosecuting senior Australian officials for war crimes in Iraq.     

The Bush Doctrine Revisited: The 2006 National Security Strategy of the USA

In its 2006 National Security Strategy, the USA reaffirms thecontroversial doctrine of pre-emptive self-defence as crucialin the "war on terror" proclaimed after the attacks of 9/11.But it does not provide a detailed examination of pre-emption.The questions left open in the 2002 US National Security Strategyas to what will trigger pre-emptive action, when action againstnon-State actors will be permissible and what degree of forcewill be proportionate in pre-emptive action are still unresolved.The promise that "The reasons for our actions will be clear,the force measured and the cause just" does not offer much inthe way of specific guidance. It is very striking that in thiscontext, the US strategy makes no reference to internationallaw or to the role of the UN Security Council. The other mainfocus of the strategy is on the "promotion of democracy", butit does not go so far as to assert any legal right to use forcefor this purpose, and it makes only passing reference to humanitarianintervention. The EU 2003 Security Strategy provides a markedcontrast in that it does not adopt the doctrine of pre-emptiveself-defence, does not expressly identify "rogue States" anddoes profess respect for international law and for the roleof the UN. Other States have not generally shown themselveswilling to accept a Bush doctrine of pre-emptive self-defence.They agree that there are new threats facing the world frominternational terrorists and the danger of proliferation ofweapons of mass destruction, but the 2005 World Summit showedclearly that there is no general acceptance of pre-emptive action.Moreover, the International Court of Justice still follows acautious approach to self-defence. The 2006 National SecurityStrategy largely reaffirms the doctrines of the earlier 2002Strategy, but whereas the focus in the 2002 Strategy was onthe threat posed by Iraq and North Korea; attention has nowshifted to Iran and Syria, accused of being State sponsors ofterror by Hizbollah and Al-Qaida. The article ends with a discussionof the recent conflict in Lebanon: this raised the crucial questionwhether the war on terror gave Israel a wide right to use force,even a pre-emptive right. The conflict highlights dramaticallythe practical significance of the divisions on the scope ofthe law of self-defence with regard to action against non-Stateactors, pre-emption and proportionality.     

The “Waiver of Right” Issue in Chinese Civil Claims for War Reparations from Japan—Review of the Two Judgments of the Supreme Court of Japan on April 27, 2007 —Review of the Two Judgments of the Supreme Court of Japan on April 27, 2007

It is still a hot debate: Does China still have the rights to civil claims for war reparations from Japan in spite of its signature of the Sino-Japanese Joint Communiqué of 1972? The Supreme Court of Japan has recently made a number of relevant judgments on this issue, which have cited several specific reasons and have touched on the principles of customary international law and the officially disclosed negotiation documents on the normalization of China-Japan diplomatic ties. This paper is a response to the reasons cited by the Supreme Court of Japan, which analyses the controlling doctrines and issues involved in this debate, including the Framework of Peace Treaty of San Francisco with Japan, the legal effect of the Sino-Japanese Joint Communiqué and its relationship with the Peace Treaty between Japan and Taiwan (China). Through this analysis, this paper reaches the conclusion that the Sino-Japanese Joint Communiqué does not waive the civil claims of China for war reparation.     

从“卡翁达诉南非共和国总统案”看外交保护的另一种国家实践

外交保护的实施过程可以区分为国内决策阶段和利用国际法向侵害本国人权利的相对国采取措施的阶段。因此,在国内决策阶段中有一种不可忽视的实践,那就是认为从国内法角度来看国家负有以一切可能方式保护本国公民的义务。但是,实际上外交是国家行为,它代表国民的整体利益。因而在具体个案中可能需要从大局出发采取和缓的方式对权益受侵害的国民进行保护或放弃保护。但,必须建立有效的机制以沟通被害者和实行外交保护的公权力机构。在对公共利益和私人利益进行取舍时,可能需要考虑相应的补偿问题。以此为出发点,对将以外交保护方式保护国民作为国家宪法义务的国家实践进行研究。     

UN Commission on Human Rights adopts resolutions on access to medication, right to health

In April 2002, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights adopted two resolutions that are important in the context of access to treatment. The Commission is the UN's leading body with respect to international human rights issues. It consists of 53 UN member states and meets annually. The Commission's resolutions can be found on the website of the Office of UN High Commissioner for Human Rights via www.unhchr.ch/ by clicking on "Documents of Charter-based bodies".     

Legislation and Maintenance of Public Order and Civil Life by Occupying Powers

Article 43 of the 1907 Hague Regulations is a key provisionof the law of belligerent occupation. This essay examines howit has been understood by states and scholars, how it was developedby the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 and whether and howit was respected by the US and the UK during their recent occupationof Iraq. Under Article 43, an occupying power must restore andmaintain public order and civil life, including public welfare,in an occupied territory. Local legislation and institutionsbased upon such legislation must be respected by an occupyingpower and by any local authorities acting under the global controlof the occupying power. This general prohibition to change thelocal legislation also applies to post-conflict reconstructionefforts, including constitutional reforms, and changes of economicand social policies. The author examines the exceptions to theprohibition and assesses whether the widespread legislativeactivities by the occupying powers in Iraq fall under theseexceptions. He then analyses the question of whether the lawof military occupation ceased to apply in Iraq on 30 June 2004.It is also suggested that Article 43 applies to some peace operationsand provides a useful framework even for those peace operationsto which it does not formally apply.     

E-confidence: Offer and acceptance in online contracting

Online contracting, as a focal point of electronic commercial transactions, has been developing since the 1990s. Recent international legislation, namely the 2005 United Nations Convention on the Use of Electronic Communications in International Contracts (the UN Convention) is a significant legal achievement. However, the validity and effectiveness of electronic offer and acceptance is still an issue for debate. This paper aims to seek answers to how law makers may meet the challenge of regulating electronic contracting, and what future improvements that the UN Convention may need to make to boost confidence of contracting online. The paper will introduce the concept and formation of electronic contracts; analyse the current legislative environment of electronic contacting in the international organisations, EU, US and China; discuss the obstacles that electronic contracting has faced; and propose a solution to remove its legal uncertainty.     

美英军事打击伊拉克的国际法分析

美英绕开联合国单方面对伊拉克实施军事打击,是对伊拉克主权、独立和领土完整的严重侵犯,是违背联合国宪章和国际法准则的行为。伊拉克战争不仅使伊拉克人民再次蒙受战争带来的损害,而且会给整个中东地区乃至世界和平带来许多不稳定的因素,从而将深刻地影响到今后的世界格局。     

刑法规范的模糊性与明确性及其整合机制

针对当前刑法学界对于“刑法规范之模糊性”的系统研究相对欠缺的状况 ,本文以自然科学中的模糊论与语言学理论中的模糊语义学为基础 ,着重论证了“模糊性是刑法规范的又一基本属性”、“刑法规范的明确性与模糊性之间具有相辅相成的紧密关系”等观点 ;指出刑法规范的明确性与模糊性之平衡是刑事立法的理想追求 ;而实现这种平衡的基本途径就是“明确性与模糊性的整合机制”     

从国际法角度析空间武器问题

美国于2002年退出《弹道导弹条约》,并启动导弹防御计划,使外层空间面临着成为军备竞赛新场所的危险.尽管现有的国际法对空间武器的使用是否合法没有作明文规定,但包括《联合国宪章》等在内的国际法律性文件都试图以法律手段实现外层空间的非军事化;而根据《部分禁止核试验条约》,不允许缔约国进行任何使用核动力的导弹拦截试验;《环境影响公约》和《外空条约》等则禁止出于军事目的或任何其他敌对方式使用空间武器.     

Analysis of UN Resolutions Relating to North Korea: A Comparison with Resolutions Relating to the Second Gulf War

This work attempts to understand whether it is possible to talk about the emergence of specific recurring linguistic patterns in UN resolutions, used as a political strategy. The paper presents a comparative analysis between a corpus of resolutions related to the Second Gulf War and to the 2011 North Korean nuclear crisis, focussing on ethic adjectives and preambulatory and operative phrases used in these resolutions. It is attempted to show how vague and weak expressions can be used either to lead to intentionally biased interpretations of the law as was supposed in the Iraqi case, or to mitigate international tensions, though maintaining a firm position against international threats, as supposed for North Korea.     

Viral Contagion and Anti-Terrorism: Notes on Medical Emergency,Legality and Diplomacy

The dominant imagery in current international relations seems to betray the emergence of an imperialist imaginary that differs markedly from an earlier one. This paper traces the main outlines of this emerging imaginary that has left notions of Empire as spheres of integrative production firmly behind, and is now geared towards imagining Empire as a complete, organic body of free-but-organic-and-therefore-orderly flows that however needs to be kept intact by means of epidemiological interventions aimed at excluding or neutralizing viral entities. Dealing with terrorism, or invading states that allegedly breed them, in this imaginary, is first and foremost a matter of medical necessity and urgency. The legal and diplomatic 'logic' of UN resolutions (Resolution 1441 for example), in this imaginary space, can only be imagined as being of secondary importance. Cooperation and `cosmopolitan' negotiation, as alternatives, disappear in this imaginary that projects an imperialist globalism of epidemiological purity.     

U.S. policy in the UN environmental arena: powerful laggard or constructive leader?

As the world’s one remaining superpower, the United States stands forth as a hegemon in international politics. Within the traditional realist perspective, this means that the U.S. is decisive for the ambition and scope of international cooperation. However, research has shown that there is limited empirical support for this assumption when it comes to environmental cooperation. After a brief look at the U.S. general attitude and perception of the UN, this paper will then review general trends in U.S. foreign environmental policy within the United Nations context, including several key domestic factors that have influenced the U.S. in this area. I will then look more specifically at three UN institutions that are responsible for different aspects of environmental governance: United Nations global conferences (Stockholm in 1972, Rio de Janeiro in 1992 and Johannesburg in 2002), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD). The main focus will be how U.S. policies and influence in these arenas, and their relationship to UN reform, have evolved over time. Finally, the paper will attempt to analyze the American policies and answer the question posed in the title: is the U.S. a powerful laggard or a constructive leader?     

Seeing War as Criminal: Peace Activist Views and Critical Criminology

A hallmark of critical criminology is its critique of the traditional definition of crime. For decades, critical scholars have proposed humanistic definitions of crime that bring state violence into the purview of academic criminology—although outside of critical criminology this is a matter of great contentiousness. This study investigates the views of those involved in peace activism, but not in any way associated with academic criminology, about the application of the term ‘crime’ to war, specifically the recent US war on Iraq. Given that there is no existing research on this subject, the article also examines how peace activists define crime generally and whether they believe those responsible for the war should be regarded as war criminals. Not surprisingly, semi‐structured interviews with 13 anti‐war activists reveal significant support for elements of critical criminological definitions of crime but an unexpected concern on the part of some that the application of the term ‘crime’ to war could be counterproductive in efforts to stop state violence. The rationales for this concern, as well as those for other issues addressed in the study, are largely presented in the interviewees’ own words.     

攻击联合国人员和有关人员犯罪的国际法控制

长期以来,国际社会一直致力于通过立法来惩治针对联合国人员和有关人员的恐怖袭击活动。1998年生效的《国际刑事法院罗马规约》将攻击联合国人员和有关人员的罪行纳入法院管辖范围。2003年《安理会第1502号决议》进一步完善了规约的规定,并要求各国也在国内立法惩处这类犯罪。     

从伊拉克战争看国际法面临的冲击与命运

伊拉克战争所导致的国际法危机,是现行国际法与当代国际社会之间矛盾的集中反映。这场战争违反了国际法的本质并对国际法权威造成重大冲击,但同时也为革新现行国际法提供了必要性和可能性,孕育着国际法发展的新契机。     

The Violence of Non-Violence: Law and War in Iraq

The article examines the relation between war making in Iraq and juridical reforms aimed at instituting democracy, or what the article coins juridico-democracy. It is argued that a certain aspiration for global peace, global security, and non-violence to be instituted by juridico-democracy accompanies the war against Iraq. Rather than leave this aspiration intact, the article examines the extent to which this aspiration itself is conducive to the war's violence. The associations between violence and non-violence, war and peace, conflict and security are examined not as oppositions, but as cycles, where nonviolence, peace, and security are performative of more violence.