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1.
Kevin Arceneaux 《Political Behavior》2008,30(2):139-160
When evaluating political candidates, citizens can draw on partisan stereotypes and use partisan cues to make inferences about
the candidates’ issue positions without undertaking a costly information search. As long as candidates adopt policy positions
that are congruent with partisan stereotypes, partisan cues can help citizens make an accurate voting decision with limited
information. However, if candidates take counter-stereotypical positions, it is incumbent upon citizens to recognize it and
adjust their evaluations accordingly. Using the dual-processing framework, I hypothesize about the conditions under which
individuals reduce their reliance on partisan cues and scrutinize counter-stereotypical messages, and test these hypotheses
with experimental data collected from a nationally representative sample of adults. The findings show that whether individuals
punish a candidate from their party for taking a counter-stereotypical position is contingent on the salience of the issue
and the political awareness of the message recipient. The article concludes with a discussion of the theoretical and normative
implications of these findings.
相似文献
Kevin ArceneauxEmail: |
2.
Research has shown that messages of intra-party harmony tend to be ignored by the news media, while internal disputes, especially
within the governing party, generally receive prominent coverage. We examine how messages of party conflict and cooperation
affect public opinion regarding national security, as well as whether and how the reputations of media outlets matter. We
develop a typology of partisan messages in the news, determining their likely effects based on the characteristics of the
speaker, listener, news outlet, and message content. We hypothesize that criticism of a Republican president by his fellow
partisan elites should be exceptionally damaging (especially on a conservative media outlet), while opposition party praise
of the president should be the most helpful (especially on a liberal outlet). We test our hypotheses through an experiment
and a national survey on attitudes regarding the Iraq War. The results show that credible communication (i.e., “costly” rhetoric
harmful to a party) is more influential than “cheap talk” in moving public opinion. Ironically, news media outlets perceived
as ideologically hostile can actually enhance the credibility of certain messages relative to “friendly” news sources.
相似文献
Tim GroelingEmail: |
3.
Laura Reidel 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):261-281
The case of the opposition to legalizing same-sex marriage in Canada is an example of the limits of what will and will not
be tolerated in the name of multiculturalism. This case offers an interesting perspective on the topic of multiculturalism,
because it deals with a conflict between those seeking to expand human rights and those seeking to prevent such expansion
because of their adherence to a particular set of cultural and religious beliefs. Despite Canada’s commitment to recognizing
and encouraging diversity within its population, the demands of the opponents of same-sex marriage were not accommodated.
Heeding the opponents of same-sex marriage would have amounted to violating the deeper commitment to individual rights and
human rights as interpreted by the Charter. Multiculturalism in Canada is a concept that is situated within an underlying
adherence to these core values.
相似文献
Laura ReidelEmail: |
4.
Danny Hayes 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):231-260
Scholars and political observers have suggested that television has “personalized” voting behavior in American presidential
elections by encouraging citizens to cast ballots on the basis of candidate image and personality. Though an oft-heard assertion,
little solid evidence exists that this is true, and the reinvigoration of partisanship and the persistence of ideological
conflict suggest personalization may be less pervasive than supposed. In this paper, I use National Election Studies data
to examine whether voters are more concerned with candidates’ personal characteristics now than they were at the outset of
the television era. I find, however, that voters are no more likely today to mention candidate personality as a reason for
their vote choice than they were in the 1950s and 1960s. Moreover, while personality affects voting behavior, its influence
on candidate choice is not significantly larger than it was a half-century ago. The results are not contingent on exposure
to television or political awareness and are insensitive to different measures of perceptions of candidate image. The findings
are consistent with the resurgence of partisan voting in American elections and suggest that some concerns about TV’s effects
on political judgment are exaggerated.
相似文献
Danny HayesEmail: |
5.
Cindy D. Kam 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):343-367
Citizens are asked to make many judgments in politics, often in the face of scarce information and limited motivation. In
making political judgments, citizens may rely upon a variety of cues, including the partisanship, ethnicity, race, or sex
of candidates. Some cues, however, are more democratically troublesome than others. Democratic norms of equality suggest that
attitudes towards racial or ethnic groups should not influence citizens’ evaluations of candidates. Often, however, attitudes
towards these groups do matter. This article identifies a limiting condition on the effect of group attitudes: the presence
of a party cue. I demonstrate that attitudes towards Hispanics influence willingness to support a Hispanic candidate, but
only in the absence of a party cue. The article also contributes to existing work by analyzing both explicit and implicit
measures of attitudes towards groups. Explicit measures include stereotypes and feeling thermometers; implicit measures are
derived from a subliminal priming task. Subjects with positive attitudes towards Hispanics (whether these attitudes were measured
implicitly or explicitly) were more likely to support the Hispanic candidate, in the absence of party cues. Subjects with
negative attitudes towards Hispanics were less likely to support the Hispanic candidate, in the absence of party cues. The
presence of party cues, however, eliminates the impact of attitudes towards Hispanics on political choice.
相似文献
Cindy D. KamEmail: |
6.
Marc Bühlmann Wolfgang Merkel Lisa Müller Bernhard Weßels 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):114-122
Ohne Zusammenfassung
* Die vier Autor(inn)en arbeiten in einem gemeinsamen Forschungsprojekt des NCCR Democracy (vom Schweizerischen Nationalfonds
finanziertes National Centre of Competence in Research: Challenges to Democracy in the 21st Century) und des WZB an einem „Demokratiebarometer“ für die 30 OECD-Staaten, das die Ignoranz der 0-Varianz bei Polity und Freedom House aufkl?ren will.
相似文献
Marc Bühlmann (Corresponding author)Email: |
Wolfgang MerkelEmail: |
Lisa MüllerEmail: |
Bernhard We?elsEmail: |
7.
Peter Skerry 《Society》2008,45(1):46-52
The situations of nineteenth century dock workers and today’s immigrant day laborers bear striking similarities and challenges,
especially for those seeking to organize them into labor unions. The obstacles confronting such organizing efforts also underscore
the legitimate concerns many Americans have about the threats to social order posed by immigrants today.
相似文献
Peter SkerryEmail: |
8.
Eric Neumayer 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(2):241-268
The death penalty is like no other punishment. Its continued existence in many countries of the world creates political tensions
within these countries and between governments of retentionist and abolitionist countries. After the Second World War, more
and more countries have abolished the death penalty. This article argues that the major determinants of this global trend
towards abolition are political, a claim which receives support in a quantitative cross-national analysis from 1950 to 2002.
Democracy, democratisation, international political pressure on retentionist countries and peer group effects in relatively
abolitionist regions all raise the likelihood of abolition. There is also a partisan effect, as abolition becomes more likely
if the chief executive’s party is left wing-oriented. Cultural, social and economic determinants receive only limited support.
The global trend towards abolition will go on if democracy continues to spread around the world and abolitionist countries
stand by their commitment to press for abolition all over the world.
相似文献
Eric NeumayerEmail: |
9.
James M. Avery 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):327-342
In contrast to what we know about the sources of political trust among whites, recent research suggests that political mistrust
among blacks indicates discontent with the political system. The current study adds to research investigating racial differences
in political trust by examining racial differences in the influence of the 2000 United States presidential election on political
trust. Specifically, I test for whether whites and blacks adjusted their trust in government in response to the Supreme Court’s
decision in Bush versus Gore (2000) and whether the influence of the Court’s decision on trust was dependent on partisan identification. The findings
indicate that blacks perceived the Court’s decision as illegitimate, reinforcing their mistrust in their political system.
相似文献
James M. AveryEmail: |
10.
George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First,
he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of
the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their
work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications
of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from
Sandall’s own position.
相似文献
George CrowderEmail: |
11.
Robert L. Jackson 《Society》2008,45(1):20-29
Over the past year, several published volumes have argued that American politics is careening out of control, toward a slippery
slope of twenty-first century theocracy. Most of these books present tendentious interpretations of contemporary politics
as matter-of-fact analysis. The reader is assumed to hold the same interpretive bias and warned of the dangers of a new and
powerful American “fundamentalism.” The current article explores a historical parallel to today’s trend. Nearly a century
ago, the Progressive Education movement sought to undermine the pedagogical dominance of traditional, literature-based education,
preferring a more socially-conscious curriculum. The striking similarities between John Dewey’s anti-traditional approach
and the present-day anti-theocracy faction are multitude—and worth our consideration. The seeds of Progressive Education are
now producing weeds of anti-religious sentiment across America’s political landscape—a cultural phenomena that is constricting
the growth of a much needed civil discourse.
相似文献
Robert L. JacksonEmail: |
12.
Daniel Stevens 《Political Behavior》2009,31(3):429-454
Recent studies contend that negative advertising benefits voters. However, these studies only measure the volume of negativity
in campaigns, often relying on survey data on voter behavior coupled with estimates of negative ad exposure. Theories of information
processing indicate that the proportion of negativity may yield influences spanning a range of judgments related to candidate
construction and voting behavior, yielding effects that are different from the influence of sheer volume. Thus, I argue that
the proportion of negativity also has an influence, and that it is likely more often to be detrimental. I examine this claim using survey
data and conclude that prevailing accounts of the effects of negative advertising campaigns are underspecified and, as a result,
potentially overly optimistic.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Daniel StevensEmail: |
13.
Jeffrey Lazarus 《Political Behavior》2008,30(2):185-198
Politically experienced challengers are more successful in seeking political office than amateurs. The relationship is found
so regularly that political experience has become the standard ex ante indicator of challenger quality in studies of American elections. Despite this, little work has investigated why experienced challengers are so successful. Many scholars attribute the relationship to inherent differences between experienced
challengers and amateurs: experienced challengers have stronger electoral skills and greater access to material resources.
I argue that these differences play a role, but an indirect one. Rather, experienced challengers are lead by both their resource
advantage and the high amount of risk they are exposed to in seeking office to run in races in which their party has a good
chance of winning. Thus, the direct cause of the experienced challengers’ success is self-selection into winnable races. Empirical
analysis supports the self-selection model over a model in which resources directly lead to success.
相似文献
Jeffrey LazarusEmail: |
14.
Scott D. McClurg 《Political Behavior》2006,28(4):349-366
Despite scholarly interest in determining how exposure to disagreeable political ideas influences political participation, existing research supports few firm conclusions. This paper argues that these varied findings stem from an implicit model of contextual influence that fails to account for the indirect effect of aggregate social contexts. A model of contextual influence is outlined which implies that the neighborhood partisan context moderates the effect of political disagreement in social networks on campaign participation. The evidence shows that network disagreement demobilizes people who are the political minority in their neighborhood, but has no influence on people in the majority. When viewed together, these findings indicate that a person’s relationship to the broader political environment sets distinctive network processes in motion.
相似文献
Scott D. McClurgEmail: Phone: +1-618-453-3191 |
15.
Daniel Chirot 《Society》2008,45(5):425-428
The next president of the USA will surely correct some of the Bush administration’s most egregious policy errors, particularly
its gross insensitivity to the rest of the world’s opinions and its extreme bellicosity. To restore trust in American, and
to strengthen national security, better diplomacy will be necessary. Strengthening a demoralized and nearly dysfunctional
State Department by acknowledging the vital role foreign area experts must play will have to be a major part of the new administration’s
policy.
相似文献
Daniel ChirotEmail: |
16.
Samuel Popkin 《Society》2007,44(5):37-44
This article attempts to identify the general principles that underlie public reasoning about collective obligations and that
help explain when political parties can create new obligations or defend existing ones. I use these principles to President
Clinton’s unsuccessful attempt to create government health-care plan and attempts by President Bush to privatize Social Security.
The success of a party in selling – or defeating – an obligation depends upon what people believe about the competence and
capacity of government and the value of autonomy – choices made by each citizen; whether people perceive the obligation as
providing floors or establishing ceilings by limiting choice or otherwise restricting opportunities for the better-off; and
whether the program is more like insurance or more like welfare. A party’s ability to maintain credibility with voters also
depends upon whether party leaders can suppress issues that threaten intra-party elite pacts. When attempts to suppress “taboo”
issues like “stem cells” or “black crime” fail, the party loses credibility with its voters and attempts to defend or sell
obligations fail.
相似文献
Samuel PopkinEmail: |
17.
The paper provides a test of Zaller’s reception and acceptance model. The theory describes conditions under which a political
message is received, and, if received, accepted or rejected. The study deals with the 1988 Canadian election that was fiercely
fought over one central issue, the Free Trade Accord with the United States. We use the 1988 Canadian Election Study campaign
rolling cross-section survey, and we test Zaller’s propositions about who is most likely to receive and then accept party
messages. Our findings provide little support for the model. We suggest that when an issue is hotly debated in an election
campaign voters who receive party messages are able to connect these messages to their values and predispositions whatever
their level of political awareness.
相似文献
André BlaisEmail: |
18.
In this paper, we examine whether the impact of negative advertising on citizens’ evaluations of candidates depends on the
gender of the candidates. Given common gender stereotypes, we expect negative campaigning aimed at women candidates will affect
citizens differently than negative campaigning against male candidates. The results of our study, derived from a survey experiment
conducted on a nationwide sample of more than 700 citizens, demonstrate that negative commercials are less effective at depressing
evaluations of woman candidates, compared to male candidates. The findings are consistent and strong, across a range of forces
that people use to assess competing candidates (i.e., affect and trait evaluations, people’s beliefs about issues, anticipated
vote choice). The tight control of the experimental design, including randomization of respondents into different conditions
that vary in only one way, demonstrates that the gender of the candidate influences people’s reactions to different types
of negative commercials.
相似文献
Patrick J. KenneyEmail: |
19.
20.
Jennifer L. Merolla 《Political Behavior》2009,31(3):379-399
While theoretical work on strategic voting emphasizes the importance of elite messages in persuading minor party supporters
to abandon their first preference, few empirical studies have examined this relationship. I argue that while poll results
certainly increase the likelihood of changing one’s vote, explicit information signals can increase this probability even
more. Furthermore, these effects will be moderated by the presence of a counter message and the sponsor of the explicit information
signal. These hypotheses are tested with data generated from two experiments.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Jennifer L. MerollaEmail: |