Facing the Inevitable: Britain's Entry into the European Community and Australia's Policy, 1970‐72

While Australia's response to Britain's 1961‐63 bid to join the European Community has been examined in almost every possible detail, Australian policy towards Britain's 1970‐72 application has drawn very little scholarly attention. This article therefore aims to fill this gap by drawing on newly released archival material from the National Archives of Australia in Canberra and the National Archives in London. In doing so, the article examines the impact of Britain's 1971‐72 application to join the EC on Australian policy and the Anglo‐Australian relations. It argues that while far from provoking the same widespread uproar as the Macmillan government's original application in 1961, Britain's final bid had important political and economic implications for Australian foreign policy.     

Australia's Quest to Enrich Uranium and the Whitlam Government's Loans Affair

The renewed debate about Australia enriching uranium raises issues associated with a previous attempt thirty‐five years ago. The Atomic Energy Commission hatched plans in the mid‐1960s to position Australia as a supplier of enriched fuel, especially to the Japanese market. This would be done using centrifuge technology, a cheaper and more efficient method than that used by the United States. That fact, along with concerns in Washington to restrict the proliferation of nuclear weapons, led to opposition to rival enrichment programs. Whitlam and Connor miscalculated here. Ratifying the Nuclear Non‐proliferation Treaty was not enough to stay opposition to raising a loan designed mainly to give Australia an enrichment program.     

The Fraser Government's “Uranium Decision” and the Foundations of Australian Non‐Proliferation Policy: A Reappraisal*

The Fraser era represents a defining moment in Australia's approach to the issues of uranium exports and non‐proliferation policy. In contrast to some well‐established positions in the literature, this essay argues that the Fraser government's August 1977 decision to approve the export of uranium was framed not only by domestic political considerations stemming from the Ranger Environmental Inquiry but also by important international factors. In particular, I argue that the non‐proliferation initiatives of the Carter administration presented the Fraser government with an opportunity to portray the export of Australian uranium as means to strengthen the non‐proliferation regime and enhance Australia's influence.     

The Yellow Cake Road: Malcolm Fraser,the Ranger Enquiry and Australia's Role in the US International Fuel Cycle Project

The 1975–1983 Fraser Government failed to develop an enrichment industry in Australia but did see the initiation of uranium sales following the adoption of the Ranger Enquiry. Both of these developments were shaped by US nuclear commercial and non‐proliferation policies during the Ford and Carter Administrations, which aimed to restrict the spread of enrichment technology. Fraser would come to realise that it was not a question of private ownership of the nuclear fuel cycle, but of accepting a role for Australia in the international fuel cycle as a supplier of cheap yellowcake.     

The Language of Security: Reassessing Australia's Policies of Free Trade and Offshore Detention

Offshore detention and bilateral free trade constitute hallmarks of Australia's international policy. This paper explores how these policy directions were originally justified in the Pacific Solution and the Australia‐US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA). In the literature both policies are theorised as security offerings but whilst the Pacific Solution is obviously exclusionary, AUSFTA aimed at including Australia in the US's orbit. This suggests that security as a justification for policy is flexible, complex, and warrants closer observation of its practical articulations. Reviewing the speeches with which the relevant Ministers introduced their legislation, I argue that offshore detention and bilateral free trade derive from a specific language of security in which policy‐makers view individual actors as the basis of national threats. The language of security invokes a threatening international environment by focussing on the selfish and amoral components of human behaviour whilst diminishing social institutions and collective structures. Vague anarchy and simplified individualism position the state as a righteous protector rather than a rational policy‐maker. I conclude by questioning whether this is a sound basis for policy and canvass options for escaping the language of security.     

“第三条道路”与朴槿惠政府对朝政策走向

朴槿惠在韩国总统竞选期间与胜选后多次指出,要改善对朝关系,既不继续大国家党李明博政府的强硬政策,也不采取民主党金大中政府与卢武铉政府的“阳光政策。’’,宣称要走“第三条道路”。本文首先分析另外“两条道路”,即“阳光政策”与李明博对朝政策之间的主要分歧。以此为背景,本文从影响朴槿惠对朝政策的因素入手,指出朴槿惠对朝政策“第三条道路”的出发点是要改变另外“两条道路”非“软”即“硬”的做法。总体方向上很可能是安全上继续保持强大威慑与高压态势,但在经济合作等层面释放更大善意与灵活性。在不降低李明博政府强硬政策“硬”的一面的同时,继承“阳光政策”“软”的一面,甚至会更软。最后部分也指出了在朝鲜第三次核试验后“第三条道路”的实施前景。     

Market Power and Misunderstandings: The Case of EU‐Australian Trade Diplomacy

The article critically examines EU‐Australia relations through the negotiation of the 1994 and 2008 Agreements between Australia and the European Community on Trade in Wine. EU‐Australia relations are often characterised as defined by Australia's focus on the UK and the EU's agricultural policies. This article moves beyond these assumptions and analyses the negotiation of the wine trade agreements through three factors: the pattern of political institutions, power asymmetry and subjective utility of non‐agreement alternatives. It argues that perceptions, miscalculations, and misunderstanding have had an impact on how these factors shaped negotiation outcomes. These negotiations are an under‐studied case in the development of EU‐Australian relations, and are useful in understanding how the perceptions of negotiators shape outcomes in the EU's negotiations with Australia.     

佐藤政府对琉球政策:模糊立场与渐进路线

佐藤荣作执政期间三次访美,逐步推动美国放弃琉球施政权,这三次首脑会谈集中体现了佐藤政府解决琉球问题的政策方针。实际上,推动“返还”的幕后力量来自琉球岛内以及本土主张“返还”的势力,特别是反对党,佐藤的琉球政策更多的是对他们态度的一种回应。他们的态度逐渐变化,佐藤从远东安全的角度考虑如何解决琉球问题,在不损害琉球基地机能的前提下,根据这些态度制定对策。佐藤应对琉球问题的基本方针是试探、模糊与渐进,之所以采用这样的“回归”策略,主要原因在于他在国内的政治地位以及日美不平等的同盟关系。琉球问题与日美同盟紧密相连,在当时是能够引起日本国内政治动荡甚至分裂的敏感问题。如果处理不好,不仅可能危及日本国内政治,还可能导致日美同盟关系恶化,而无论哪种情况都足以结束佐藤的政治生命。     

The Common African Defence and Security Policy

The literature on Africa’s collective security arrangementsfocuses on the African Union’s Peace and Security Counciland the Central Organ of the Organization of African Unity (OAU)before it. This article shows that the Peace and Security Councilis only an implementation mechanism of a broader policy framework,the Common African Defence and Security Policy (CADSP), thatwas adopted recently in Sirte, Libya. The article argues thatthe adoption of such a broader collective security policy frameworkwas made possible by changes within the international system.These changes brought about a shift from realism to idealismin various regions of the world. In Africa, the idealistic undercurrentfound expression in renewed interest in African institutionsand African solutions to African problems. The article alsodemonstrates that the CADSP will confront many challenges rangingfrom general theoretical and normative questions that bedevilcollective security arrangements elsewhere to specific issuessuch as funding and other practical implementation matters.     

简析尼克松的南海政策——以西沙海战为例

尼克松政府时期,美国在南海问题上实行中立政策。在西沙海战前后,南海相关国家对南沙群岛非常关注,而美国坚持中立立场,绝不卷入其中。美国不予南越军事援助,对于中国出兵西沙也不予任何谴责,更不将西沙群岛、南沙群岛列入美国对其盟友的防卫范围。因此,尼克松所实行的实际上是有利于中国的中立政策。     

政策网络与欧盟对外决策分析

欧盟多层治理体系下的对外决策具有独特性和局限性,需要发挥网络组织的灵活机制和资源配置能力,帮助克服欧盟正规决策程序中的复杂性和等级制,提高欧盟对外决策的利益协调能力和问题解决能力。政策网络理论在分析利益协调、理解网络结构、推动合作过程以及发展决策体系内公、私行为体协调等方面具有明显的理论优势。本文将欧盟对外政策研究与政策网络方法相结合,目的在于检验政策网络方法在分析政策网络结构影响欧洲对外决策方面的作用。     

Geopolitics and Soft Power: Japan's Cultural Policy and Cultural Diplomacy in Asia

Japan's cultural policy and cultural diplomacy in Asia has changed dramatically over the past one hundred years, from actively introducing and imposing Japanese culture during its empire-building period, to essentially avoiding the promotion of Japanese culture in Asia for most of the postwar period due to fears of being seen once again as engaged in cultural imperialism, and more recently, to supporting and encouraging the export of Japanese contemporary culture and lifestyle in order to attain “soft power.” Looking at the fluctuations in Japan's cultural policy over these three periods allows us to understand how Japan has used cultural policy to further its geopolitical goals and more basically how it has viewed the role of “culture” in the context of its relations with Asian neighbors. In a broader sense, the Japanese experience shows that cultural policy, even when inward-looking, is not isolated from a country's geopolitical position and its ambitions in the world, regardless of the political system under which it operates.     

检视欧盟共同外交政策运作共同体化的可能性

随着欧盟不断深化和扩大,又企图在全球事务上扮演重要角色,国际学界遂从原共同体法研究和共同外交与安全政策研究中发展出一个针对欧盟对外事务法律研究的新领域,专门研究欧盟对外事务的法律规范,以及这些规范对欧盟对外行为的影响。由于《里斯本条约》取消了三支柱架构,将共同体和联盟合并成一个新的欧洲联盟,并赋予法律人格,原共同体法也蜕变为联盟法,学界开始探索原共同体法是否可能因此渗入共同外交与安全政策运作。本文顺着制度主义的脉络,首先分析《里斯本条约》创设的新制对欧盟共同外交政策运作可能产生的影响,然后尝试聚焦法律的演变,来探究欧盟共同外交"共同体化"的可能,包括欧洲法院对共同外交政策的管辖权、共同外交决策在新联盟中的法律位阶,以及欧盟通过《欧盟运行条约》第352条径行扩权的可能性。作者认为,欧盟共同外交的"共同体化"其实早已悄悄展开,《里斯本条约》则可能会加快这个发展,但是通过法律渗透而建立的一体化共同外交政策,并不能提升其效率,反而可能治丝愈棼,掣肘欧盟在全球事务上扮演一个更积极、更有影响力的角色。