女性制度主义的发生路径、焦点议题与意义评析

女性制度主义作为女性主义政治学与新制度主义政治学相互融合的产物,在跻身新制度主义前沿领域的同时,还为制度分析增添了性别维度。发端于女性主义第二波浪潮与社会性别理论的女性制度主义研究动向,在新制度主义异军突起的理论背景和性别平等举措全面开展的现实背景下确立为重要的分析途径,日益得到众多具有制度分析取向的女性主义学者的积极推动,并在多领域与多学科的交织脉络中不断发展演进。女性制度主义将浸染社会性别特征的政治制度作为研究起点,致力于协调现实政治生活的结构性要素与能动性要素,通过阐释性别体制、制度变迁以及制度性抵制的复杂关系,对性别化的权力体系及其动力机制予以深入探讨。基于女性制度主义所涉及的学术身份认同、学理资源汲取、学派交流融汇、学科议题嬗变,可以对该分析途径的贡献、不足以及前景进行系统审视。     

Do the Ladies Run This Mutha? The Relationship between Political Rap and Black Feminist Attitudes

Music has been thought of as an art form that expresses ideas and sentiments of the artist. This article examines the relationship between political and non-political rap and Black feminist attitudes. This study includes data from original experiments conducted at Benedict College; a historically Black college in Columbia, SC, where Black males and females were exposed to various genres of music and their support of Black feminist attitudes were measured. Blacks exposed to political rap display increased support of Black feminist attitudes compared to those exposed to non-political rap and the control group, subjects who were not exposed to any form of music. Our research finds that those exposed to non-political rap have less affinity for Black feminist attitudes than those in any other group. This research is important to political science because it furthers our knowledge about public opinion and political attitudes. Specifically, this article demonstrates that non-traditional media forms also have an impact on political attitudes. Specifically, exposure to political rap has a significantly positive impact on the agreement with Black feminist attitudes when compared to exposure to non-political rap. Therefore, not all subgenres of rap music are consistently harmful to Black feminist attitudes and attitudes toward women.     

Neoliberal feminism as political ideology: revitalizing the study of feminist political ideologies

Abstract

The emerging literature on neoliberal feminism appears to signal the revitalization of the study of feminist ideologies, suspended since the mid-1980s. However, it is argued here that scholars tend to conceptualize neoliberal feminism in a way that inhibits ideological analysis, as exemplified in Nancy Fraser’s Fortunes of Feminism. They take classifications of feminist political ideologies from the 1980s as representative of the only true feminisms, and thus view neoliberal feminism as a perversion, rather than an outgrowth, of earlier feminisms. This account of the emergence of neoliberal feminism is both historically inaccurate and politically problematic: it positions feminists as passive in the face of an overpowering neoliberal agency, and limits feminists’ capacity to imagine themselves as agents of political and ideological change. Building on Michael Freeden’s work on political ideologies, an alternative account of neoliberal feminism is offered, one that locates feminist agency in the production of new feminist ideologies.     

Protests against Welfare Retrenchment: Healthcare Restructuring in Sweden

The ‘new politics’ perspective in welfare state research holds that class‐based parties and unions have lost some of their influence and that they have been replaced by client organizations that are capable of resisting retrenchment pressures. However, scholars within the ‘power resource tradition’ contend that class is still fundamental and that client interests are weak in corporatist countries with a strong labour movement. It is argued in this article that scholars within the power resource approach have focused too much on social insurance programmes and traditional forms of political participation, and that this has made them blind to client protests. An empirical study of political efforts to close down nighttime emergency surgery in Swedish hospitals is presented. The Swedish counties planned to close down emergency surgery in 17 hospitals in the period 2003–04. The political proposals to close down emergency departments were met with strong protests from client groups, and politicians often withdrew their proposals of closures. In this case study, politicians claim that it was client protests that made them withdraw a decision to close the emergency surgery. This result suggests that client protests are politically important and diverges from the expectations deduced from the power‐resource approach but lends credibility to the theory of the new politics of the welfare state.     

历史政治学的功能分析

历史政治学的提出引发了中国政治学界的广泛关注。作为一种新型研究路径的历史政治学不但具有客观的分析主义特征,而且和其它政治理论的研究路径一样,还具有鲜明的功能主义特征。历史政治学首先回答了政治理论的知识来源问题,从而为建构中国自主性政治学知识体系提供了可能。基于政治学取向的政治史研究有助于避免因“文化转向”而导致的历史研究的碎片化问题,这意味着历史政治学研究既追求“真相”也关怀“真理”。历史政治学的知识功能自然有其政治实践价值,那就是为治国理政提供历史解释与现实论述,并为认识合法性政治提供一套不同于理性人假设的历时性方案。     

Beyond compare? Women's movements in comparative perspective

Abstract. This article reviews a selected range of comparative political research on women's movements, a subfield of political science whose recent proliferation now positions it at the leading edge of women and politics scholarship. Recognizing that "women" as a category of research is of necessity heterogeneous and informed by differences of race, class, ethnicity, nationality, generation, and religion, the article argues that this complex intersectionality need not mean that women's movements are beyond the scope of comparative political research. Rather, as the research focus of women and politics scholars has become increasingly carefully specified, general patterns are evident in the research that should serve to advance the comparative study of women's movements and comparative political research more generally. The article focuses on definitional challenges and the limitations of conflating "women's movements", "feminist movements", and "women in social movements", and discusses four major research arenas within which cross–national commonalities among women's movements are evidenced. These include the relationship between women's movements and political parties; "double militancy" as a potentially distinctive collective identity problem for women's movement activists; the extent to which political opportunities for women's movements are (or can be) gendered; and the relationship between women's movements and the state. The article concludes with suggestions for future research in the subfields of comparative women's movements and comparative politics.     

Feminist Research in Transitional Justice Studies: Navigating Silences and Disruptions in the Field

This paper will analyse what it takes to conduct feminist and sensitive research in countries that have seen mass human rights violations. Transitional justice research involves critical examination of difficult topics which raises a number of ethical and methodological issues for both the participants and the researchers. Although empirical research has been a facet of the studies produced in the field, researchers’ accounts of undertaking research in often politically sensitive environments is largely missing from published books and research reports. This paper is informed by personal experiences of doing research in wartime rape in the ethnically and politically divided country of Bosnia and Herzegovina. I argue that the researcher’s profile and positionality directly affects the fieldwork and that fieldwork is a dialogical process which is structured by the researcher and the wider political processes in the country.     

The (f)utility of a feminist turn to Foucault

This paper explores some of the potential problems of a feminist appropriation of the ideas of Michel Foucault. In particular, it addresses questions concerning the political consequences of such a turn focusing on (i) the microphysical versus the macrophysical; and (ii) Foucalt's supposed 'ethical quandary'. In so doing, it suggests that, for from undermining feminist politics, the turn to Foucault prompts a reassessment of the foundations of political action.     

A crisis of integration? The development of transnational dyadic trust in the European Union, 1954–2004

The healthy functioning and long‐term viability of the European Union (EU) ultimately depend on its citizens finding common cause and developing a shared sense of political community. However, in recent years, scholars and pundits alike have expressed doubts about whether the EU's growing cultural, religious and economic diversity is undermining the development of citizens' shared sense of political community, especially following eastern expansion. In this article, this question is examined using data on a key aspect of political community: transnational dyadic trust. Drawing on a unique set of opinion surveys from the formative years of the EU to the first wave of eastward expansion (1954–2004), the development and sources of dyadic trust among EU Member States is studied. While recognising the importance of diversity for trust judgments in the short‐term, the prevailing viewpoint that it is also a long‐term obstacle to integration is challenged. Instead, it is argued that citizens from diverse cultural and economic backgrounds can learn to trust one another and build a sense of political community over time through greater cooperation and interconnectedness. This theory is tested with data on bilateral trade density, which is seen as a proxy and precursor for other forms of cross‐national interconnectedness. Employing longitudinal models, the article also goes beyond existing research to test the theories over time. The study makes a contribution to the research on European integration, suggesting that over time mutual trust and a shared sense of political community can indeed develop in diverse settings.     

Scaling up Utopias: E.O. Wright and the Search for Economic Alternatives

For over fifty years, successive waves of critique have underscored that the apolitical character of much of political science research betrays the founding mission of the discipline to have science serve democracy. The Caucus for a New Political Science was originally based on such a critique, and the perestroika movement in the discipline included a call for more problem-driven as opposed to theory- or method-driven work that would better connect political science research to ongoing political struggles. In recent years, movements for a public sociology and public anthropology as well as dissonant movements in economics and related fields have added to the insistence that social science research was too often disconnected from the real world. Phronetic social science has emerged out of the ferment for change in the social sciences, starting with the much-debated book by Bent Flyvbjerg, Making Social Science Matter (Cambridge, 2001). Flyvbjerg critiqued the social sciences for mimicking the natural sciences, while proposing an alternative approach that focuses research on helping people address the problems they are facing. Today, phronetic social science goes beyond the call for an alternative approach to social inquiry and its growing adherents are providing evidence that this alternative approach to doing research can enrich the social sciences by more effectively connecting research to efforts to address real world problems as people experience them. This article provides a genealogy of efforts to connect political science to politics, a review of the major critiques of mainstream research, an explication of the rationale for more problem-driven, mixed-methods research, a specification of the key principles of the phronetic approach, and examples of its application in the public realm. The article concludes with implications for realizing a more political political science by way of taking a phronetic approach.     

Of Possibilities,Probabilities and Political Geography

This article explores the nature of intellectual engagement between feminist and political geographies. This exploration is based on two sources of information. The first is a short survey of feminist geographers that asks about their perceptions of political geography, the extent to which they rely on scholarship within political geography and their sense of the openness of political geography to feminist theory and arguments. The second source of information is an analysis of the contents of reviews of political and feminist geography that have been published in recent journals and textbooks. Based on this information, it seems that there is little engagement between the two sub-fields, even though a sizeable body of literature that might be labelled 'feminist political geography' has developed. Reasons for this paradox are considered.     

Raíces Del Sur: Cultivating Ecofeminist Visions in Urban New Jersey

ABSTRACT

Significant research has been devoted to analyzing community gardens, including their benefits and problems. This article contributes to debates about community gardens by using concepts from feminist geography and food justice research to reflect upon the challenges and possibilities of community gardening in small, peripheral cities with large immigrant populations. We argue that these concepts provide a useful framework to enact ecofeminist visions through community gardens, especially in places dominated by immigrant populations that are particularly marginalized in the present political era. Our case study garden, Raíces Del Sur, was located in the City of Passaic, a low-income, post-industrial urban center surrounded by suburbs in Passaic County, New Jersey. As activists involved in the making of the Raíces Del Sur community garden to different degrees, and as researchers committed to an ecofeminist vision, we draw attention to the need for greater ecofeminist engagement with community gardening initiatives in cities throughout New Jersey.     

国际学术界对中国公共管理的研究现状——论题、理论视角与方法

以SSCI收录的公共管理期刊在1999-2008年间刊登的研究中国公共管理的学术论文为样本,采用实证方法分析从事中国公共管理研究的国际学术界的构成及国内外学者合作研究的现状,并分析其论文论述的主题及采用的理论视角和研究方法.研究结果表明:在国际学术界的构成上中国大陆学者所占比例偏低;在从事国际合作研究方面,大陆学者主动组织国际合作研究的能力较弱;在论题上,国际学术界研究的主题与国内学者关注的重大热点问题吻合度较高;五成以上的论文运用实证研究方法,研究设计及分析方法以案例研究为主,但进行理论检验的论文相对较少.在分析研究结果的基础上提出了关于中国公共管理研究实现科学化、国际化与本土化相结合路径的具体设想.     

“公共”的再发现:意志论与利益论政治代表观的整合

在政治代表研究领域,意志论代表观与利益论代表观的分野存在已久,而一些试图调和二者之间矛盾的尝试则力有未逮。部分学者转向寻求民事代表研究中处理这一经典冲突的成功经验,包括代表行为前的契约、代表行为中的重复博弈与代表行为后的司法审判这三种成熟的策略。但将这些方法引入政治代表行为研究时却面对着种种无法逾越的障碍。通过对比民事活动与政治活动,我们可以发现这些障碍的根源:以往的政治代表研究者忽略了“公共”这一政治行为独有的抽象主体。公共的再发现使得政治代表的结构由二元主体转向三元主体,由一重代表转向三重代表,这为调和意志论与利益论之争提供了新的思路。     

Rational Choice and Community Power Structures1

The community power debate concluded with each side believing they had won. Political theorists have generalized power, making empirical investigation very difficult; urban scholars have turned their attention to more manageable empirical problems. Rational choice advances the debate, exposing the errors of all sides and facilitating a new approach which transcends structural versus individualist methods. By separating various aspects of power in urban contexts, complementary techniques such as network analysis in a bargaining framework, semi-structured interviewing and the use of text databases permits a comprehensive investigation of agenda-setting and the mobilization of bias. The paper demonstrates the utility of this approach by comparing it to 'regime theory', the latest paradigm of urban research.     

Evolution of Political Branding: Typologies,Diverse Settings and Future Research

Political branding has developed into an established and vibrant sub-discipline of political marketing. Indeed, political branding research continues to push boundaries by critically applying consumer based branding theories, concepts and frameworks to the political environment. Recently, political branding scholars have segmented research into different categories such as corporate, candidate, leader, local-regional, internal or external in orientation. Despite this development, there continues to be limited research on alternative or different typologies of political brands. This study reaffirms political branding as a distinct area of research and discusses how political brands can be conceptualised and operationalised. Further, drawing on seven empirical and conceptual papers, which focus on different typologies of political brands from a range of international contexts including Canada, USA, Iceland, Indonesia and India, we reflect on the current political branding environment. We conclude that there are multiple relationships and numerous interconnected political brands, which represent an intricate environment or ecosystem. This study offers academics and political actors guidance on how to conceptualise political brands and provides a starting point to map out the ecosystems of political brands. Finally, this study provides explicit calls for further research in political branding.     

Principal–Agent Analysis and Pathological Delegation: The (Almost) Untold Story

Principal–agent (PA) has come a long way since it was introduced to the political science sphere. Nowadays, PA has established itself as an institutional midrange theoretical framework that encompasses various methodological as well as theoretical approaches. This article argues, however, that scholars still assume, a priori, that the agent is an opportunistic and disloyal actor. This article seeks to question this theoretical assumption by demonstrating how principals could be as much problematic as their agents, a phenomenon that it terms “pathological delegation.” In so doing, it offers a first analysis of the small strand of the literature that examines problems embedded in the principals' side as well as provides new empirical evidence in the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Finally, the article posits that scholars should not treat pathological delegation as an anomaly but rather attempt to integrate, test, and develop new theoretical assumptions on this phenomenon.     

Black Theology,a weapon in the struggle for freedom: a Gramscian analysis

South African churchmen created Black Theology during the late 1960s and early 1970s to add a theological dimension to the African struggle against apartheid. In doing this, they looked to western Christianity, African-American theology, and their own experience of suffering as sources of inspiration, while creating a new religious culture and political orientation to liberate their people from European domination. Hence, Black Theology is in fact an anti-ruling class ideology designed to subvert the existing sociopolitical order. This study examines that ideology treating it as a case study and using Gramscian theory as an interpretive grid. Moreover, it argues that Black Theology informs Gramsci and in so doing, identifies four specific contributions that Christianity is capable of making to a cultural revolution, which include a moral standard, a structured community, an emancipatory language, and a divinely inspired comment to the struggle.     

The development of political science in Bulgaria: A discipline in transition

Abstract. After the radical political changes of 1989, new possibilities for the development of political science appeared in Bulgaria. The discipline went through its own transitional periods. The first was the legitimisation of political science and its institutionalisation in the major academic institutions. The second, which remains at an early stage, is the establishment of a community of scholars and university staff with the necessary theoretical knowledge and resources for assuring its development. Of the major challenges which political science is facing today, one is the need to ensure the expansion of the community of scholars who are sufficiently familiar with recent developments in the discipline. Another is the need to overcome the politicisation of the discipline which was typical of many social scientists (and especially political scientists) at the beginning of the period of change. To an increasing extent, political science is not merely a product of democracy but also one of the major scientific resources for achieving its consolidation.     

Managing Boundaries in American Administration: The Collaboration Imperative

Boundaries have long played a central role in American public administration. In part, this is because boundaries are central to the administrative process, as they define what organizations are responsible for doing and what powers and functions lie elsewhere. It is also because of the nation's political culture and unusual system of federalism, in which boundaries have always been the focus of conflict. Five boundaries have historically been important in the American administrative system: mission, resources, capacity, responsibility, and accountability. New forces make managing these boundaries increasingly difficult: political processes that complicate administrative responses, indirect administrative tactics, and wicked problems that levy enormous costs when solutions fail. Working effectively at these boundaries requires new strategies of collaboration and new skills for public managers. Failure to develop these strategies—or an instinct to approach boundaries primarily as political symbolism—worsens the performance of the administrative system.