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Lani Guinier 《The Modern law review》2008,71(1):1-35
This year's Chorley lecture examines certain theoretical and practical questions concerning political representation in constitutional democracies and advances three claims. (1) That electocracy (rule by elections) reduces the role of citizens to a series of discrete choice points, often shifting the actual moment of choice to the politician. (2) That a preoccupation with winner-take-all elections encourages representatives in the US to see themselves as powerful strangers with a proprietary interest in their position. (3) That representatives can deepen democracy by functioning as catalysts for citizen involvement not just surrogates for citizen views or identities. Drawing on historic and contemporary examples of ordinary people who mobilize collectively to build new forms of citizen power before and after elections, Professor Guinier adapts the framework of collective efficacy to describe this conceptual move. She argues that vibrant constituencies of accountability can transform the representational relationship to reimagine democracy as self-governance not just self-government. 相似文献
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Law and Philosophy - In Speech Matters, Seana Shiffrin claims that certain lies should be tolerated on grounds of political inclusiveness. If political equality requires perfect compliance with... 相似文献
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领导者权力性影响力是领导者有效管理组织的必要条件,因此,如何提升领导者的权力性影响力是一个值得我们研究的课题。近年来.随着竞争的不断加剧和环境不确定性的增加,社会资本在领导者有效管理组织中日益凸显其独特魅力.本文通过对领导者社会资本影响力的获取与权力性影响力之间关系的分析.认为领导者对社会资本的占有是提升其权力性影响力的重要途径.提出了领导者获得社会资本并借此提升其权力性影响力的建议.希望对领导者有效管理组织有所裨益. 相似文献
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网络在中国的迅猛发展,深刻地影响着公民的政治参与程度和热情,推进了现代民主政治的发展进程。本文从网络政治参与的内涵和特点入手,客观地分析了网络政治参与给我国民主政治建设、政治稳定等方面带来的双重影响,并提出规范网络政治参与的对策。 相似文献
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《Russian Politics and Law》2013,51(2):8-29
The stable existence of the state is impossible without nationalist discourse. 相似文献
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《金陵法律评论》2017,(5)
政治哲学不但显现于伟大著作之中,而且是人们在公共领域的行为指南,成为对公共性商讨与争论的技艺之道。因此,当代政治哲学需要从理想彼岸的设计之思中解放出来。在公共生活中,政治哲学不仅是实然状态的反思与应然状态的解释,更是实现这种反思与解释的技艺之道。超越追求中立性政治真理的局限性,政治哲学需要为人的政治选择提供判断、决定、主张或服从的能力,这是它的实践性所在。这体现在:在超越追求客观共识的政治科学与追求最优结果的政治哲学之上的,是使人真正具备积极的批判思维能力、建设性的问题解决能力、完备的阐释能力、包容的沟通能力以及系统性的信息控制能力等为要件的作为公共生活技艺的政治哲学。由此,政治哲学不再是空中楼阁,既揭示了政治事务的争辩本性,又实现了人在追求理想政治状态过程中变得更加明智的价值追求。 相似文献
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Even in formally open, liberal, democratic states, a series of barriers exist as obstacles to critical criminologists who
wish to conduct research that scrutinises the activities of powerful states and corporations. Much evidence suggests that
in the current political climate, the barring of access to sources of data, neo-liberal re-configurations in the funding of
research, and the narrowing of publishing and dissemination opportunities to counter-hegemonic voices are severely limiting
the ability to conduct critical research. This article reports on recent experiences of researchers concerned with unmasking
the crimes of the powerful and argues that, despite the obstacles power sources use to obscure and mystify the illegal and
violent practices engaged in by states and corporations, there remains fertile space around research agendas, and in universities,
for critical researchers to exploit. To gain insight from the ways in which researchers can, and do, establish alternative
agendas, this article seeks to explore some of the principles that might inform and encourage those forms of resistance, and
to establish how critical criminologists might continue to subject the powerful to scrutiny.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
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准确把握主权概念是清晰理解国际法与国际关系的基础。只有消除一些误解和歧义才有可能树立正确的观念。就现实而言,主权是对内的命令、调控以及以此为基础的对外代表与参与,主要功能是政府对其行为与利益的辩护与防卫。其根源是社会分工形成的人群分层,并在此基础上形成的制度惯性以及人们对治理形式的路径依赖。其内核是无涉于道德和法律的。在认清主权的非社会契约性、非神圣绝对性之后,必须承认,主权在世界上仍会长期存在。因而有必要在人本主义的价值基点上塑造其理想,即要求主权发挥引领、代表、服务人民,在相互依赖、面临共同未来的人类处境中密切合作的职能。为此,有必要进一步完善权力—权利三角形,使主权的运作受国内宪政和国际法治的引导与制约,促进社会的健康和谐发展。 相似文献
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Normally, high scores on the MMPI L (Lie) scale are associated with underreporting of symptoms. However, in certain circumstances, such as disability applications and personal injury litigation, individuals may be motivated to convey elevated symptomatology in combination with exaggerated portrayals of virtuosity and truthfulness. Information about tests may help guide this impression management pattern. The current case report illustrates these points and demonstrates that acquired information can motivate an individual, under the right circumstances, to increase their endorsement of uncommon virtues. Clinicians and forensic examiners are encouraged to remain alert to how test information interacts with an individual’s presentation motives. 相似文献
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Kimberlee Weatherall 《The Modern law review》2017,80(1):57-87
Although consumer responses to signs and symbols lie at the heart of trade mark law, courts blow hot and cold on the relevance of empirical evidence – such as surveys and experiments – to establish how consumers respond to alleged infringing marks. This ambivalence is related to deeper rifts between trade mark doctrine and the science around consumer decision‐making. This article engages with an approach in ‘Law and Science’ literature: looking at how cognitive psychology and related disciplines conceptualise consumer decision‐making, and how counterintuitive lawyers’ approaches appear from this perspective. It demonstrates how, especially when proving confusion, decision‐makers in trade mark demand the impossible of empiricists and are simultaneously blind to the weaknesses of other sources of proof. A principled divergence, without seeking to collapse the gaps between legal and scientific approaches, but taking certain small steps, could reduce current problems of proof and contribute to better‐informed, more empirically grounded decisions. 相似文献
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论非典事件对我国政治的影响 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文从多个角度分析了非典事件对我国政治的影响.认为非典疫情虽然直接危及的是人们的生命健康和社会经济的发展,但它挑战的对象则是我国政治体系的公共管理职能、权力运行方式、社会动员和整合资源的能力等.正是在应对这种挑战的过程中,中国政治获得了相应的进步.因此,如果说非典事件对我国经济影响在结果上主要是负面的话,那么其对政治的影响在结果上则主要是正面的.其影响主要来自三个方面一是疫情危机直接调动了政治体系潜在的一系列制度资源如政务信息公开、责任刚性、公共管理规范化等;这些制度资源在社会常态条件下是难以显现的;二是已调动的政治资源向社会常态管理领域的拓展;三是造成疫情蔓延的政治因素对政治体制改革的警示作用. 相似文献
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The "Liberal Mission" Foundation the Moscow Office of the Kennan Institute 《Russian Politics and Law》2014,52(1):68-91
A group of scholars presents the preliminary results of their research on ethnopolitical agendas found on the Russian Internet. The authors analyze the discourses of four Internet communities, including nationalists, leftists, liberals, and supporters of the party of power. 相似文献
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Kristian Lasslett 《Critical Criminology》2010,18(3):211-228
Over the past six decades researchers interested in the crimes of the powerful have developed a respectable body of literature. Owing to the empirical and theoretical richness of these contributions, the crimes of the powerful sub-field is ready for critical interventions to be made on the plane of scientific method. Moreover, such interventions have become increasingly necessary owing to the disciplinary hegemony of an orthodox empiricist approach which erects a problematic boundary between empirical representations of the crimes of the powerful and theoretical explanation. To aid a critique of this approach, this paper will employ the scientific framework of classical Marxism to decipher the peculiar problems which flow out of the orthodoxy’s method. It will be concluded that while classical Marxism offers a more rigorous framework for penetrating analyses of the crimes of the powerful, orthodox scholars have nevertheless made significant contributions which should also be utilised in future research. 相似文献
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环境瑕疵担保责任论纲——作为EPR政策落实手段的视角 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
瑕疵担保责任适用范围的渐趋拓展为其适用于环境领域提供了可能。我国的环境问题日益凸显,而相应的一些环境政策却无法得以具体落实,其中的EPR政策即为明证。基于此,文章重点对作为EPR政策私法落实手段的环境瑕疵担保责任进行了理论上的建构,明确了环境瑕疵担保责任与侵权法的关系,并依次从环境瑕疵担保责任的权利义务主体、客体、性质、内容、实现等方面加以详细分析。 相似文献
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Fernanda Pirie 《Law & society review》2006,40(1):77-104
Local systems of law are constantly forced to adapt to powerful external legal orders. As well as employing tactics of resistance and accommodation, some communities respond by maintaining boundaries around their legal sphere, safeguarding a measure of judicial autonomy. This article examines one such instance, from the Indian Himalayas. It argues that, much more complex than a case of domination and resistance, this autonomy represents a long history of deference and distance toward external forces. The maintenance of legal autonomy ultimately represents community ontology, but it is also a means of engaging with wider forces within the modern world. 相似文献
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Sarah E. Anderson Daniel M. Butler Laurel Harbridge 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2016,41(3):605-631
Legislators' actions are influenced by party, constituency, and their own views, each weighted differently. Our survey of state legislators finds that legislator's own views are the strongest influence. We also find that institutions are an important source of party leaders' influence. Legislators in states where members rely more on party leaders—states without term limits, with less professional legislatures, and where the majority party controls the agenda—put more weight on leaders' preferences. Beyond direct party influence, the views of party leaders are preemptively incorporated into legislators' preferences when the rules of the legislature make party leaders more powerful. 相似文献