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1.
Official and victimisation data show that despite falling rates for motor vehicle thefts, much of the EU ‘organized crime’
related thefts have remained almost stable. Nevertheless, the car-theft market in the EU has changed, and so has the role
of traditional destinations for stolen vehicles, such as Eastern Europe. The paper examines the demand, supply, and regulation
factors that shape the structures of the vehicle theft market in Bulgaria, and smuggling patterns and offender behaviour in
source countries, in particular Spain. We argue that such nuanced historical approach that takes into account a wider range
of factors in destination countries can help explain the recent transformations in Europe’s vehicle-theft markets.
相似文献
Tihomir BezlovEmail: |
2.
Michael Levi 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2008,49(5):365-377
This article examines the media reportage of white-collar crimes, organised crimes and cybercrimes, principally in the British
but also in the US media. It illustrates the ways in which different newspapers depict crime seriousness and how some defendants
adapt to these portrayals. It examines competing explanatory models and suggests that although reportage has an ideological
component, ‘news values’ and production pressures as well as ‘action triggers’ such as prosecutions or regulatory interventions
are important.
相似文献
Michael LeviEmail: |
3.
Giuseppe Bronzini 《Law and Critique》2008,19(3):255-274
This essay examines the problems that many scholars raise when referring to the EU’s chances of implementing a true, original
and effective social model, capable of renewing the Welfare State model developed after the Second World War. The analysis
is conducted in the light of the process of ‘constitutionalisation’ in the European Union and of the Lisbon Treaty. Following
a constructive approach, the author examines the current debate among European public actors on this issue, with particular
emphasis on the ‘advanced enforcement’ of the Nice Bill of Rights evident in the jurisprudence of the European Courts as well
as in recently published European Commission documents on ‘flexicurity’.
相似文献
Giuseppe BronziniEmail: |
4.
Wasting innovation: barriers to entry and European regulation on waste electronic equipment 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The European Directive on Waste Electric and Electronic Equipment 2002/96/EC distorts incentives in regulated markets. Treatment
of ‘historical waste’—i.e. products sold prior to 13 August 2005—is financed by all firms in the market at the time of disposal.
This stimulates excessive pre-regulation output by incumbents for two reasons: a costs sharing effect and entry deterrence.
Entry deterrence is achieved by raising the common costs of waste disposal. Entry is a main driver of innovation in the affected
industries. The feasibility of a first best policy is discussed and an alternative rule superior to the status quo is presented.
相似文献
Grischa Perino (Corresponding author)Email: |
5.
6.
Nicholas Kyriazis 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2009,27(2):109-127
The present essay analyses Athenian finances during the fourth century BC, the ‘Age of Demosthenes’, from both the revenue
and expenditure points of view. It examines how Athenians practiced the concept of ‘economic democracy’ on matters of public
choice, and the sometimes ingenious solutions they adopted for financing public goods such as defense, education and ‘social
security’. Ancient Athens, the ‘prototype’ political democracy, was advanced also in matters of public administration, finance
and institutions, on which political democracy was based and without their smooth running could not have functioned.
相似文献
Nicholas KyriazisEmail: |
7.
This paper compares and contrasts South East Asian and European Union countries’ perceptions of the priorities for anti money
laundering (AML) and anti terrorist finance (ATF) in relation to three industries: security goods and services; the timber
trade; and ‘informal’ value transfer and banking services. It might be expected that all countries would equally support each
of these aspects of AML/ATF policies, without differentiating between the industries generating the proceeds. As this paper
will show, however, historical experiences, contemporary political relations and patterns of trade shape countries’ approaches,
resulting in distinctive enthusiasms and reservations. In a nutshell, the EU points most strongly to products and services
originating in Asia as posing AML/CTF risks, and locates primary responsibility for monitoring and control as falling within
Asia - a projection of risk and responsibility that is reciprocated by Asian countries. Asian countries perceive a need for
tighter control of dangerous products exported by the west, for example, small arms and light weapons, and of related money
laundering circuits. Asian and European policy makers increasingly articulate concerns over illegal logging and related laundering,
however European importers and their governments see responsibilities for this as falling primarily within Asia. Finally,
the EU (like the US) perceives high levels of laundering risk in ‘informal’ value transfer/banking services, in which Asian-run
businesses have a global competitive advantage. For the future, as the international balance of trade shifts, and as Asia
increases its influence in international fora including those concerned with AML/CTF, so the region’s policy preferences may
be expected to carry more weight.
相似文献
Michael LeviEmail: |
8.
Gemma Collantes Celador 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2009,51(2):231-242
Police reform plays a key role in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s internationally-supervised statebuilding process. It is one of
the four key conditions to move the country closer to its European future. Against this background the article analyses the
role that the European Union Police Mission (EUPM) plays in preparing Bosnian police agencies for this challenge. Using as
guiding tools some of the key elements of the Mission’s leitmotif—local ownership, European police standards—the article comes
to the conclusion that EUPM has introduced much needed reforms but these have been overshadowed, among other things, by the
police restructuring process and its unnecessary politicisation of “European police standards/practices” to fit a model of
statehood not shared by all local stakeholders.
相似文献
Gemma Collantes CeladorEmail: |
9.
Michael Blecher 《Law and Critique》2008,19(3):297-306
The governance phenomenon brings law back to its very ‘origin’, namely, law-making (‘Recht-Fertigung’), and reveals that law
is not anchored to a specific ‘polis’ or to Hobbesian statehood, but is able to pursue different forms of ‘the common’ as
long as its paradox function is fulfilled. Law recognises and develops normative standards for the creation of social structures
while also leading a continuous battle against any restrictions to democracy, common wealth and justice connected to these
structures. Law here acts ‘politically’ and in affinity to social movements that struggle against any form of social ‘immunisation’.
This article analyses the conditions of this affinity and its consequences for the concept of ‘justice’.
相似文献
Michael BlecherEmail: |
10.
Antonio Negri 《Law and Critique》2008,19(3):335-343
The only way of entering the world of ‘fragmented law’ (or ‘societal constitutionalism’) is arguably to make normative fragmentation
correspond with constituent excess. As Foucault would say, once we are involved in an ‘epistemic crisis’, we must then modify
those systems that organise knowledge in conjunction with the very forms that produce it. This contribution considers some
privileged forms of critique and reconstruction beyond normative fragmentation and essentially argues in favour of governance
dynamics, as well as for ontological devices engaged in the production of subjectivity.
相似文献
Antonio NegriEmail: |
11.
Brendan J Quirke 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2009,51(5):531-547
This paper will focus on frauds committed against the budget of the European Union. It will consider the role of OLAF (the
European Fraud Prevention Office) which is the lead agency in the fight against fraud. It will consider its powers and its
capacity to co-ordinate the activities of anti-fraud agencies in twenty seven member states and the constraints which prevent
it from operating in a more effective manner. The paper will also consider the role of other transnational bodies such as
Eurojust and Europol and will seek to highlight the degree of fragmentation which exists with a multiplicity of actors involved
in policing fraud, a fragmented legal approach and the difficulties this presents in policing sophisticated transnational
frauds. The effect of EU expansion on this situation will also be examined and the EU anti-fraud efforts of the Czech Republic
will be considered in some detail. The paper concludes that the legal system and the institutions are not yet in place to
enable such frauds to be adequately policed.
相似文献
Brendan J QuirkeEmail: |
12.
This article considers how information and communications technologies (ICT) can be used by organised crime groups to infringe
legal and regulatory controls. Three categories of groups are identified: traditional organised criminal groups which make
use of ICT to enhance their terrestrial criminal activities; organised cybercriminal groups which operate exclusively online;
and organised groups of ideologically and politically motivated individuals who make use of ICT to facilitate their criminal
conduct. The activities of each group are then assessed in relation to five areas of risk: the use of online payment systems,
online auctions, online gaming, social networking sites and blogs. It is concluded that the distinction between traditional
organised crime groups and the other two groups—cybercriminal groups and ideologically/politically motivated cyber groups—is
converging, with financially-motivated attacks becoming more targeted. Legislation will need to adapt to deal with new technological
developments and threats that organised criminals seek to exploit.
相似文献
Russell G. SmithEmail: |
13.
Christian Joerges 《Law and Critique》2008,19(3):235-253
This paper will cover a wide range of issues. It will start with a reconstruction of the European Community’s ‘social deficit’,
arguing that a credible response to this deficit would be a pre-condition for the democratic legitimacy of the deepened integration
project. Such a response can be developed in a re-conceptualisation of European law as a new type of supranational/trans-statal
conflict of laws – this is the thesis defended in the second section. This vision is contrasted in the third section, first
with the steps towards Social Europe envisaged in the Draft Constitutional Treaty, and then with the messages of the recent
judgments of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) in Viking and Laval. It goes without saying that the theoretical premises of the argument, let alone its many interdisciplinary dimensions and
empirical background, can often only be signalled, but not developed systematically.
相似文献
Christian JoergesEmail: |
14.
John F. Wozniak 《Critical Criminology》2008,16(3):209-223
Mainstream criminology has traditionally focused on poverty as an isolated variable, whose effects are typically explored
by inserting a limited measure of this variable in a multivariate analysis. Peacemaking criminology, however, offers an alternative
perspective. In this paradigm, poverty is seen as a source of suffering and, to a degree, a “crime” in and of itself. Furthermore,
the suffering poverty engenders is an enveloping social experience that exposes its victims to concentrated disadvantage—or,
to use Jonathan Kozol’s (1991) term, to a range of “savage inequalities.” Thus, poverty is best understood not as an isolated
variable, but as a master status of fundamental social reality that subjects people to lives filled with suffering—suffering
that can engender criminal behavior. From a peacemaking perspective, a key avenue for preventing crime is, in the short run,
diminishing the suffering poverty causes and, in the long run, embracing social policies that reduce the prevalence of economic
suffering in contemporary society.
相似文献
John F. WozniakEmail: |
15.
George Pavlich 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2007,1(1):79-97
In crime-obsessed cultures, the rudimentary trajectories of criminalizing processes are often overlooked. Specifically, processes of accusation that arrest everyday life, and enable possible enunciations of a criminal identity, seldom attract sustained attention. In efforts at redress, this paper considers discursive reference points through which contextually credible accusations of ‘crime’ are mounted. Focusing particularly on the ethical dimensions of what might be considered a ‘lore’ (rather than law) of criminal accusation, it examines several ways that exemplary cases reflect paradigms of accusatorial practice, accuser identity formation and accused response. With such assumptive grids in mind, the paper signals the potential value of rescuing accusation from fundamental attachments to (a criminally defined) order and disorder, as well as images of a distinct accuser and accused offender. It then alludes to the prospect of pursuing justice through less exclusive forms of accusation
相似文献
George PavlichEmail: Phone: +1-780-4925343Fax: +1-780-4927196 |
16.
John Vogler Hannes R. Stephan 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2007,7(4):389-413
For well over a decade, the European Union (EU) has proclaimed its leadership role in global environmental governance (GEG).
In this article, we examine both the nature of its leadership and the underlying conditions for ‘actorness’ upon which leadership
must depend. The EU’s record in the global conferences as well as its influence on the reform of the Commission on Sustainable
Development (CSD) and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) are also investigated. We argue that the EU has frequently
sought to shape international environmental negotiations and promote sustainable development as an organising principle of
global governance. Despite its inadequate status at the UN and internal problems, it has had a significant effect on the global
agenda. However, due to persistent diplomatic opposition from other coalitions, its real, directly visible influence has been
more modest. For genuine directional leadership, which goes beyond the defence of self-interest, the Union will have to make
internal policy coherence a greater priority. Moreover, apart from relying solely on its weighty presence in the international
system or its potential capabilities, the EU needs to achieve a high level of credibility in order to enhance its powers of
persuasion.
相似文献
Hannes R. StephanEmail: |
17.
The current research tests three conceptual models designed to explain citizens’ fear of crime—vulnerability, disorder, and
social integration. These models are assessed for differential impact across the cognitive and affective dimensions of fear
of crime. The analysis reported here considers the consecutive and simultaneous influence of individual- and city-level factors
using multilevel modeling techniques. Recently collected survey data for 2,599 citizens nested within 21 cities across Washington
State provide the empirical evidence for the analysis. Results indicate that the disorder model is best able to explain variation
in both the cognitive and affective dimensions of citizens’ fear of crime across cities. The vulnerability and social integration
models explain significantly less variation. Further, the vulnerability model lacks directional consistency across the observed
dimensions of fear. Societal implications of the research findings are discussed.
相似文献
Noelle E. FearnEmail: |
18.
Carrol Clarkson 《Law and Critique》2007,18(3):361-374
This paper explores the implications of uses of the word ‘we’ in post-apartheid South African fiction. ‘We’ in these novels
is typically a contested linguistic site – which tells of the loss of inherited communities, and reflects the ethically complex
negotiations of a ‘we’ perhaps still to come. Yet if the internal narratives assert a loss of community, each event of the
novel’s being-read inaugurates a new ‘community’ of readers. The paper considers the ethical implications of the act of reading
a literary text in post-apartheid South Africa. In the course of the argument, I draw links between African philosophies of
community, and Jean-Luc Nancy’s proposition that ‘I’ does not precede ‘we’. Thus I suggest some ways in which philosophies
from Africa contribute towards current debates about ‘we’ in contemporary continental philosophy.
相似文献
Carrol ClarksonEmail: |
19.
Hazel Croall 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2009,51(1):127-146
Consumers have long been recognized as one of the major groups of victims of white collar and corporate crime, although many
of the activities which harm them are not widely regarded as ‘crime’. They tend to attract less publicity, and have been subject
to less academic research, particularly in comparison with major financial frauds or cases involving mass harms. Moreover,
there has been a tendency to view consumers as a relatively undifferentiated group, all of whom are likely to be victimized.
This article identifies a wide range of crimes which affect consumers and explores some of the characteristics of victims
and offenders, arguing that while all consumers are at risk, the impact of consumer crime, like other forms of crime, reflects
wider patterns of structural inequality and falls most severely on the most disadvantaged.
相似文献
Hazel CroallEmail: |
20.
Alexandra V. Orlova 《Trends in Organized Crime》2008,11(2):99-134
The dangers stemming from organized crime have been widely acknowledged in the academic literature, government reports, as
well as in popular discourse. This article focuses on the legislative efforts to define “organized crime” undertaken in Russia
and Canada. Neither country has yet devised a satisfactory legislative definition of the varied phenomenon that is organized
crime. Definitions in both jurisdictions are problematic due to their sweeping scope and insufficient delineation of a zone
of risk for the accused as well as law enforcement officials. However, striking a proper balance between security concerns
and human and civil rights in both countries will be problematic due to constant political pressure to “get tough on crime”
as well as due to the amorphous nature of the phenomenon of organized crime.
相似文献
Alexandra V. OrlovaEmail: |