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In Freedom’s Right, Axel Honneth articulates the social freedom of friendship with reference to its institutionalised norms. These action norms, however, are not specific to friendship; they apply to modern intimacy per se. Such non-specificity cannot adequately account for the experience of social freedom in friendship. Addressing this issue, I evaluate friendship as a form of recognition and identify a generative recognition deficit functional to its relational autonomy. Then, taking Honneth’s institutional approach to friendship as a point of departure, I ascertain an institutional deficit that both sustains friendship’s autonomy and constrains the generalisability of its social freedom by way of institutional connectivity to heterosexuality. I suggest that only a differentiating approach to friendship that fathoms its extraordinary position among interpersonal relationships can yield new insights. That done, friendship can in turn provide a prism through which to assess the conceptual approaches deployed in its analysis.  相似文献   

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20世纪70年代,社区警务出现于西方。在当今学术界社区警务依然是研究的重点。社区警务是一种新的预防犯罪的理念,它立足于社区,把警务工作的内容从打击犯罪转移到了预防犯罪。随着社区警务研究的不断深入,有必要对它进行社会学分析,以此来规范对社区警务的学术研究。社区警务是有组织的社会行动,是由各方社会角色扮演的社会互动过程,其本质是社会控制。  相似文献   

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知识社会学关注于思想的演化,并以社会-历史背景与社会群体为基本观察维度,这使得它具备了对思想“精确论述”的一定能力。政治-行政关系的范式变迁经历了政治-行政二分、事实-价值二分与决策-执行二分三个阶段。社会-历史背景现代化进程的深化与学术共同体的努力建构是这种变迁的主要动因,它们促成了外显为普遍性公理、自然科学化、公理与数理逻辑等学科科学化的公共行政现代性思维的传承。  相似文献   

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生态文明的本质是实现人与人、人与社会、人与自然之间的和谐共生。面向生态文明,领导干部权力道德建设需要突出以人为本和关爱自然的精神理念,树立权力生态道德观。当前,生态文明视域下推进领导干部权力道德建设,需要从权力价值观、权力道德机制和权力道德领域等方面促进领导干部权力道德模式变革,从而推动整个社会走上生产发展、生活富裕、生态良好的文明发展道路。  相似文献   

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Bradley Campbell 《Society》2014,51(5):443-451
Recently Philip Gorski has argued that sociology can help us answer moral questions such as how to live and how to organize societies. Gorski rejects “value-free sociology” and the distinction between factual statements and value judgments, but actually factual statements and value judgments are distinct and sociology can be value-free.  The practice of value-free sociology is ethically imperative, even, if we are to be honest with our audiences and if we are to fulfill our vocation as sociologists.  相似文献   

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从知识论的角度对警察院校道德教育进行审视,长期以来警察院校道德教育的成效式微是由于在教育中忽视了缄默知识。缄默知识在警察道德教育中具有重要意义,在缄默知识视野下的警察道德教育应该充分重视缄默知识、营造良好的校园文化氛围、重视实践教学。  相似文献   

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The case for Universal Basic Services (UBS) is a recent idea that is attracting much attention. This article provides a theoretical justification for extending the delivery of public services, as an alternative to the longer‐standing argument for Universal Basic Income (UBI). It rests on human need theory and the concept of provisioning systems. Both recognise the irreducible heterogeneity of consumption, the multi‐faceted nature of human needs and the variety of systems on which we all depend. Both recognise the importance of shared systems and mutual benefits. The final part restates the case for social rights or entitlements to the satisfaction of basic needs and for collective responsibilities to meet them to serve the values of equality, efficiency, solidarity and sustainability.  相似文献   

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My research objective in this article is to analyze policy change affecting wildfire suppression programs administered by the United States Forest Service and the United States Department of the Interior. Using a variant of the punctuated equilibrium approach, a content analysis of New York Times stories dealing with wildfires over the past two decades was examined in relation to both administrative and legislative policy changes. I conclude by suggesting that administrative shifts were undertaken by federal land administrators in response to crises and media attention to protect decisional autonomy as well as forest resources, while the architect of legislative change was a president taking advantage of the combined effects of increasingly intense wildfire seasons, demographic shifts involving the movement of people and structures to the high‐risk wildland urban interface areas, greater media scrutiny, and pressure to act from wildfire weary constituencies.  相似文献   

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Abrams  Burton A.  Settle  Russell F. 《Public Choice》2004,120(3-4):379-400
The Federal Election Campaign Act as passed in 1971 and amended in 1974represented landmark federal legislation. It imposed new restrictions oncampaign contributions and contained path-breaking provisions for the useof public funds to partially finance the campaigns of qualifyingpresidential candidates. The nominal intent of the legislation was torestrain the skyrocketing campaign costs and the feared abuses thatgrowing dependencies on such money engendered. Three decades later, withthe campaign spending ``arms race'' still raging. Congress sought toimpose further constraints on campaign spending with enactment of theBipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA). Competing theories ofgovernment regulation are reviewed to better understand the intent andlikely consequences of the 2002 legislation in particular and campaignfinance regulation in general. A simple model of the campaign spendingprocess highlights the likely causes of the rapid growth in campaignspending. Data and evidence are presented to test hypotheses concerningthe timing of and underlying motivations for BCRA.  相似文献   

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This article examines the morality of public deficits through the views of political leaders, economists and public finance experts. It looks at the changing attitude about borrowing for the modern state and examines the ability of current generations to shift the debt burden to future generations. The article also explores whether the adoption of an organic or individualistic concept of the role of the state affects conclusions concerning the morality of public debt.  相似文献   

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