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This essay reviews David Pyrooz and James Densley’s “On Public Protest, Violence, and Street Gangs” and raises new questions about the ways in which Antifa is similar to and different from social movements; the processes by which “factions within Antifa” become gangs; and the dynamic nature of relationships and interactions between and among violent and non-violent segments. It concludes with a note about the everchanging nature of social life and importance of flexibility in the design and execution of research in capturing this reality.  相似文献   

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Classic studies of protest politics have traditionally defended the dominant left-wing orientation of protesters. However, some recent research has highlighted the general spread of protest by the increasing participation of right-wing individuals. Has this process meant an ‘ideological normalisation’ of protesters? The present article tackles this question by examining competing hypotheses regarding the relationship between ideology and political protest. Through a hierarchical multilevel design, the article tests whether left-wing (or right-wing) supporters are more likely to stay at home when left-wing (right-wing) parties are in power and whether they intensify their protest activities when they are more distant from the government’s ideological position. The article shows that left-wing individuals protest more under right-wing governments than under left-wing governments and yet, they are the group which protest the most also under left-wing governments. Both party mobilisation and values appear to be behind these individuals' greater propensity to participate regardless of the governments' ideological orientation.  相似文献   

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The article, in part, aims to provide a framework for analysis of the concept of ‘protest voting’. It addresses two empirical questions by use of this framework. First, which parties benefit from protest voting? Second, what are the main objects of political protest which these voters direct their grievances at? Do they protest against the political system, the political elites, or merely certain policies? The empirical analysis, which is based on data from Austria, Denmark, and Norway, suggests that parties that are in opposition, and that have no immediate chance of gaining a government position, are the ones that benefit from protest voting. Political elites are the most common objects of political protest in these countries.  相似文献   

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论刑事诉讼中的管辖权异议制度   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
刑事诉讼管辖权异议是当事人的一项重要的救济性程序权利 ,国外普遍确立了刑事管辖权异议的制度 ,而我国的刑事管辖权异议在立法和司法中都处于缺失的状态。由于管辖权异议是当事人刑事诉讼诉权的体现 ,是获得公平审判权利的重要保障 ,有助于法院裁判权的确定和实现。因此 ,我国应当确立刑事管辖权异议制度。我国刑事管辖权异议的确立 ,应当从基本原则和具体程序上规范 ,形成一套独立的裁判体系 ,当然我们对该制度在我国实施的障碍和配套措施的建立也应予以足够的重视。  相似文献   

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Political Behavior - Protest is a tool more often wielded by the political left than right. Somewhat surprisingly, there has been little careful investigation of this asymmetry to date. I show that...  相似文献   

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公共空间与公共管理之间存在内在关联,公共空间的构建和扩展源自公共管理职能的改变,而公共空间的变化也反过来促使公共管理范式变迁.浙江近三十年来公共管理实践经验表明,公共管理职能的转变,导致原来单一的公共权力空间转变为涵盖政治、经济、文化和社会等领域的多元公共空间,而公共管理方式的转变,促使公共空间在宏观、中观、微观三个层次空间的深度得到极大延伸.因此,从公共空间的视角来看待中国公共管理的未来,其关键方向在于进一步拓展公共空间的广度和深度,通过制度创新搭建各种利益主体沟通交流的平台,平衡利益冲突和矛盾,体现公平和正义的价值.  相似文献   

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《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):189-210
Abstract

Police and authorities have increasingly adopted "command and control" strategies to the policing of intentionally peaceful protest crowds. These strategies work to close down access to a physical space in which a protest is to occur and thus in turn they effectively restrict the capacity of a citizen to engage in the democratic right of peaceful protest.  相似文献   

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《学理论》2014,(32)
一夜情是个生活概念,而非法律概念。司法实务中,一夜情和无明显暴力、胁迫强奸行为在一定情形下界限模糊,难以区分。虽然当前有的国家将一夜情归入犯罪范畴予以打击,也有的国家拟将入罪,但我国立法和司法解释均尚未对一夜情做出法律性质的评价。以许某强奸案为切入,以期正确认定二者的界限,从而助益于司法者在司法实践中对该定罪问题做出易于获得普遍认可的司法认知与判明。  相似文献   

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Analyses of political development in colonial Africa have largely concentrated on the role of the educated elite in the emergence of nationalist movements. In recent years some attempt has been made to fill out this one-dimensional view through the study of early and more broadly based protest movements in various colonial territories. This paper takes as its subject matter the records of riots which occurred on the Gold Coast between 1890 and 1920. These disturbances are taken as an index of non-elite protest while an analysis of case-studies indicates their significance for political developments leading to the emergence of nationalist parties.  相似文献   

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当前世界各国都迫切需要解决这样一个问题在社会经济的发展进程中,政府该发挥一种什么样的作用,以及如何使这一作用得到有效发挥?本文从公共权力的视角入手,通过对公共权力基本内涵的分析,界定了"有效政府"的范式,为我国行政改革提供了有益的借鉴.  相似文献   

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We explore the relationship between FDI, regime type, and strikes in low‐ and middle‐income countries. We argue that FDI produces social tensions and opportunities for protest that can result in higher levels of industrial conflict. However, the effect of FDI is moderated by regime type. While democracies tend to have higher levels of protest overall, they are better able than authoritarian regimes to cope with the strains arising from FDI. We cite two reasons. First, political competition forces regimes to incorporate workers, which shifts conflict from industrial relations to the political arena. Second, democracies provide workers with freedom of association rights, which facilitate institutionalized grievance resolution. We test the argument using a new dataset of labor protest in low‐ and middle‐income countries for the period 1980–2005.  相似文献   

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Alex R. Piquero 《Society》2018,55(3):237-242
This articles uses the work of Pyrooz and Densley as a springboard for a larger discussion of race-based perceptions from gangs to criminals to athletes. It concludes by showcasing how perceptions do not always equate with reality and the consequences of doing so.  相似文献   

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