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1.
Drawing upon our voter survey, recent election results, voter roll‐off, and campaign finances, this study's findings join an expanding body of research that questions the shift away from partisan to nonpartisan judicial elections. Specifically, this article examines voter information about and voter participation in North Carolina's appellate races in light of its move to nonpartisan elections combined with mandated distribution of voter guides. Some findings were expected: the voter guides were well received, party affiliation remained important in these races, and voter roll‐off increased significantly. Competition did not appear to affect roll‐off in the races analyzed in this article. The most surprising finding was that a strong majority of our survey respondents wanted candidates' party affiliation back on the ballot, even though surveys have cited strong public support for “nonpartisan” judicial elections. Basándonos en nuestra encuesta electoral, resultados de elecciones recientes, participación electoral, y las finanzas de las campañas, los resultados de este estudio se suman a un creciente cuerpo de investigación que cuestiona el cambio de elecciones judiciales partidistas a no partidistas. Específicamente, este artículo examina la información electoral y participación de los votantes en las contiendas de cortes de apelaciones de Carolina del Norte en vista de su movimiento a elecciones no partidistas combinado con una distribución obligatoria de guías para el votante. Algunas conclusiones fueron esperadas: las guías fueron bien recibidas, la afiliación al partido continuó siendo importante en estas contiendas, y la participación electoral incrementó significativamente. La competencia no pareció afectar al número de votantes en las contiendas analizadas en este artículo. El resultado más sorpresivo fue que la gran mayoría de nuestros encuestados querían la afiliación partidista de los candidatos de vuelta en las boletas, aun cuando diversas encuestas han mencionado un fuerte apoyo del público a las elecciones judiciales “no partidistas.” 相似文献
2.
More urgently than ever we need an answer to the question posed by the late Mick Moran in The Political Quarterly nearly two decades ago: ‘if government now invests huge resources in trying to be smart why does it often act so dumb?’. We reflect on this question in the context of governmental responses to Covid-19 in four steps. First, we argue that blunders occur because of systemic weaknesses that stimulate poor policy choices. Second, we review and assess the performance of governments on Covid-19 across a range of advanced democracies. Third, in the light of these comparisons we argue that the UK system of governance has proved itself vulnerable to failure at the time when its citizens most needed it. Finally, we outline an agenda of reform that seeks to rectify structural weaknesses of that governance capacity. 相似文献
3.
André Blais Elisabeth Gidengil Patrick Fournier Neil Nevitte Joanna Everitt Jiyoon Kim 《Electoral Studies》2010
We test two competing hypotheses about the impact of partisanship and information on people's political judgments and perceptions of facts using Canadians' reactions to a major scandal. Our findings with respect to subjective political judgments confirm the argument that partisan predispositions are crucial. But there is no evidence to support the argument that the polarizing effect of partisanship is most evident among the most informed. When it comes to perceptions of “objective” facts, the results are consistent with Zaller's reception axiom: the more informed people are, the more likely they are to correctly perceive objective facts. Partisanship does not appear to affect these perceptions. 相似文献
4.
Lauren M. McLaren 《The Political quarterly》2013,84(1):90-100
Recently published research contends that concern about immigration is weakening the British political system by creating distrust in the elites and institutions in this system. Some may challenge this finding because the public opinion data used to illustrate this relationship is limited to the period of the recent Labour government, raising the possibility that it was an artefact of that era and thus may no longer hold. Using the most recent round of the European Social Survey (2010–11), this paper investigates whether this finding holds in the present era. The findings indicate that under the current Conservative‐Liberal Democratic government, concern about immigration is still related to negative perceptions of the political system. This finding, along with those reported in previous research, points to potentially serious negative consequences for the functioning of the British political system, which are discussed in the concluding section of the paper. 相似文献
5.
公共管理学:定位与使命 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
公共管理学由行政学、公共行政学发展而来,其最初源头在政治学。所以,政治学对于公共行政学的意义,犹如经济学对工商管理学的意义。但是,公共管理学有自己特定的研究对象、学科体系和指导原则,因为,公共管理是一项独立的管理活动,其对象就是公共资源,其主体就是以政府为核心所形成的政府、市场、社会多元统一的公共治理体系;而其原则就是公共性、公正性和效益性的有机统一。在中国,公共管理学要走向成熟,实现科学化,关键是要关注中国公共管理的实践,创造中国公共管理理论。为此,中国公共管理学应该在3个方面作出努力:一是确立公共管理学特有的问题意识;二是确立中国公共管理的规范性价值体系;三是形成理论与实践能够相互转化的研究能力。 相似文献
6.
This paper draws on an original survey and on the 2004 NES to explore the complexity of contemporary American conservatism.
In both datasets, we find evidence that economic and cultural conservatism stand as distinct strands of conservative attitudes.
The original survey also allows us to further explore the role of beliefs about the market in economic conservatism. In the
end, we find little support for either liberal hopes of fundamental ideological conflict among conservatives or conservative
hopes of ideological fusion. Instead, our data suggests that a particular type of ideological coexistence among economic and
cultural conservatives is the norm.
相似文献
Amy GanglEmail: |
7.
How does the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) distinguish itself from the Democratic caucus? Will distinguishing itself lead to the CBC introducing legislation that is significantly different from the rest of the Democratic caucus? Will CBC members behave just as other Democrats with similar ideological temperaments? This article seeks to place the role of the contemporary CBC within the larger Democratic caucus. By tapping into bill introduction, I conclude that in most ways, the CBC is remarkably similar to the rest of the Democratic caucus, and in only small ways, is there a demonstrable difference. CBC representation ensures constituents an increased likelihood that their congressperson will introduce legislation related to the government but not in Civil Rights or Community Development. Thus, the value to liberal black voters in electing black representatives to Congress is largely in the liberal voting behavior of black representatives, not the value they bring to bill introduction. ¿Qué distingue a la Cámara del Congreso Afroamericana (CCA) de la Cámara Demócrata? ¿Puede la autodistinción hecha por la (CCA) conducir a la introducción de legislaciones que son significativamente diferentes a aquellas de la Cámara Demócrata? ¿Acaso los miembros de la (CCA) se comportan de la misma manera que otros Demócratas con un temperamento ideológico similar? Este artículo busca ubicar el rol de la CCA actual dentro de la Cámara Demócrata. Analizando la introducción de proyectos de ley, concluyo que la CCA es notablemente similar al resto de la Cámara Demócrata, y solo en pequeños detalles hay una diferencia significativa. La representación a través de la CCA garantiza a los constituyentes una mayor probabilidad de que su congresista introducirá legislaciones relacionadas al gobierno, pero no sobre derechos civiles o desarrollo de la comunidad. Por lo tanto, para el electorado negro la importancia de elegir representantes negros para el Congreso es en gran medida en el liberalismo del comportamiento electoral de los representantes afroamericanos y no en su importancia para introducir proyectos de ley. 相似文献
8.
当代中国传媒、民意与公共决策的互动探析——以电话初装费政策调整和取消为案例 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
描述和分析了1990年末期以来由传媒参与、促进公共政策议程的个案。在该个案中,社会意见表达得以实现,促成了公共讨论,并导致了政府对在公共讨论基础上形成之民意的政策回应。对这一进程的发生及促成因素进行了分析和解释,研究表明:传媒、民意与公共决策的互动过程有三个重要关节点:民意表达、公共讨论、政府回应。在这个过程中,传媒起到了关键性作用,它充当了形成公共意见的"公共领域"的角色与功能。除了探讨传媒、民意与公共决策的互动过程与机制之外,对本个案中表现出的遗憾与局限也做了讨论。通过本个案研究,希望为当代中国传媒、民意与公共决策互动问题提供一个微观视角。 相似文献
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Alan S. Zuckerman 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2007,48(4):633-649
The Social Logic of Politics places social learning at the center of political choice. People develop their political preferences,
knowledge, values, perceptions of ability, and decisions about political behavior in interactions with others, usually members
of their social circles. Political attitudes and goals are not derivatives of exogenous economic preferences. They are not
the results of careful calculations, in which optimization of personal needs guides the mode of reasoning. This theoretical
stance draws sustenance from recent work across the social science, even as it harkens back to established, if neglected principles
of political analysis.
My thanks to Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck for his encouragement and for the critical comments of several anonymous referees and to
Josip Dasović and Jennifer Fitzgerald, my co-authors of Partisan Families: the Social Logic of Bounded Partisanship in Germany
and Britain (Zuckerman et al. 2007). Material from that book appears in this essay. 相似文献
11.
ATIYA KAI STOKES‐BROWN 《Politics & Policy》2009,37(6):1281-1305
Although prior research suggests that cultural identity is a strong determinant of Latino political behavior, few studies have examined the significance of racial self‐identification formation for Latinos and how it influences Latino political engagement. I analyze the 2004 Pew/Kaiser National Survey of Latinos using ordered probit and logit models. The data support previous research which shows that a growing number of Latinos are shifting their reported racial category from standard categories like “black” and “white” and are instead choosing to racially identify as “Latino” or “Hispanic.” Furthermore, I find that political attitudes and behaviors are significantly related to Latino racial identity. The findings suggest that shifting racial identity in the Latino community has important implications for understanding Latino political engagement and future racial identification patterns in the United States more broadly. Aunque investigaciones previas sugieren que la identidad cultural es un fuerte determinante del comportamiento político Latino, pocos estudios han examinado la importancia de la formación de la auto‐identificación racial de los Latinos y cómo influye en el compromiso político Latino. Analizo la Encuesta Nacional Pew/Kaiser de 2004 utilizando modelos ordenados de probit y logit. La información confirma investigaciones previas que señalan que un número creciente de Latinos está cambiando su categoría racial reportada de categorías estándares como “negro” o “blanco” a “Latino” o “Hispano.” Además, encuentro que las actitudes y comportamientos políticos están significativamente relacionados a la identidad racial Latina. En términos generales, las conclusiones demuestran que la identidad racial cambiante en la comunidad Latina tiene importantes implicaciones para comprender el compromiso y patrones futuros de identificación racial en los Estados Unidos. 相似文献
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Matt Grossmann 《Politics & Policy》2014,42(6):881-904
Although citizens often arrive at the same views as their political party's leaders, they also respond to information about policy targets and effects. Accounting for political context, even in the United States, encourages a variable view of how partisanship shapes opinions in policy debates. In three survey experiments associated with policies supported by both Democrats and Republicans, I find that both aspects of policy argumentation and the actors making the arguments can enable partisanship to affect public opinion. This process is highly conditional, however: sometimes polarization occurs only with the presence of a single politician; in other areas, polarization is likely following presentation of evidence by either partisan side. The effect of policy information on partisan polarization is variable across political and policy contexts. 相似文献
15.
We seek to increase our understanding of the role that individuals' assessments of schools, both locally and in the nation as a whole, play within a political context. Relying on data from the Phi Delta Kappa/Gallup Poll, we investigate how individuals' ratings of schools relate to their attitudes toward policy alternatives and public officials. We find that the relationship concerning these assessments and political judgments differs between parents and those individuals without school-aged children. Perhaps, most striking is the weak relationship between assessments of the nation's schools and parents' support for policy alternatives; instead, these attitudes are tied to their assessments of their local schools. When considering how well political officials have worked to improve education policy, the attitudes of individuals appear related to the grades that they assign the schools locally and in the nation as a whole. Buscamos incrementar nuestra comprensión del rol que juegan dentro del contexto político las evaluaciones que hacen individuos de las escuelas locales y de la nación. Apoyándonos en datos de la encuesta Phi Delta Kappa/Gallup, investigamos cómo los ratings de las escuelas se relacionan con las actitudes de los individuos hacia las alternativas de políticas y los oficiales políticos. Encontramos que la relación sobre estas evaluaciones y juicios políticos difieren entre padres de familia y aquellos individuos sin niños en edad escolar. Quizás lo más llamativo es la débil relación entre las evaluaciones de las escuelas a nivel nacional y el apoyo de los padres a alternativas de políticas; en lugar de ello, estas actitudes están ligadas a sus evaluaciones de las escuelas locales. Cuando se considera lo bien que los oficiales políticos han trabajado para mejorar las políticas educativas, las actitudes de los individuos parecen estar relacionadas con la calificación que ellos otorgan a las escuelas a nivel local y nacional. 相似文献
16.
运用社会网络分析方法(SNA)研究突发事件舆情传播的网络结构特征及关键节点识别,探究舆情传播的网络结构、节点位置及相互关系对信息的传播路径、传播速度及传播范围的影响等问题。以2011年重大突发事件"7.23"动车事故为实证研究对象,运用Pajek软件生成了"7.23"信息传播网络拓扑图,基于邻接矩阵数据进行了网络密度、可达性、聚类系数和中心性测度,依据测度结果和位置角色分析对其进行关键节点分层与识别。研究表明,突发事件网络舆情的传播和扩散以社会网络结构为基础,具有复杂性和动态性特征;网络结构与节点位置决定着成员的"影响力"程度;中心关键节点的资源控制能力与信息输入输出效率具有显著的正相关性。可以通过改变中心度、聚类系数等手段嵌入式引导关键节点,减少谣言和恐慌情绪的传播。本文采用详实数据对舆情传播关键节点的分层识别,拓展了社会网络方法在应急管理领域的应用,克服了以往研究中技术与管理实践相分离的弊病。 相似文献
17.
Economic voting studies have repeatedly shown that voter's assessment of incumbent economic performance is important for the vote decision. However, there is little work explaining how individuals form their economic assessments. Utilizing individual-level data from Turkey, we find that variation in retrospective assessments can actually be predicted by individual income growth rates over the previous year, and the association is stronger for pocketbook assessments. Nonetheless, partisanship and media are important sources of bias, especially for sociotropic assessments. Controlled for partisanship, viewers of pro-government media are more likely to think that the national economy has done better than their own household over the last year, and also more likely to believe that the economy would fare worse if the incumbent is replaced. The findings testify both to the capacity of the individuals to anchor their assessments to personal experience, and to the media's ability to weaken this anchor. 相似文献
18.
Breaking the Glass Ceiling: Local Gender‐Based Earnings Inequality and Women's Belief in the American Dream
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Benjamin J. Newman 《American journal of political science》2016,60(4):1006-1025
This article ties together research on gender, income inequality, and political ideology, by exploring the effect of gender‐based earnings inequality on women's belief in a fundamental tenet of the “American Dream”—meritocracy. Focusing on gender‐based earnings inequality in women's local residential context, and drawing upon relative deprivation theory, this article argues that variation across local areas in the relative economic status of women should influence the ideological outlook of resident women. In contrast to relative deprivation theory, but consistent with rising expectations theory, I argue that ideological disillusionment should peak in contexts in which women's earnings fall closely behind men, and that ideological optimism should rebound in contexts in which women's earnings have achieved parity with that of men. Utilizing pooled survey data, I find strong evidence that individual women's belief in the American Dream varies according to whether local women's relative earnings indicate confrontation with or breaking of the “glass ceiling.” 相似文献
19.
This paper discusses a new probabilistic forecasting method that was designed for the 2015 British general election. It proceeds in a series of steps from opinion poll averaging, forecasting national-level vote shares and uncertainty estimates, and subsequent simulation of hypothetical election results, through modelling of constituency polls and survey data to identify and adjust for patterns in the constituency-level variation in party performance, and finally to probabilistic forecasting of seat outcomes and of different combinations of parties commanding relevant governing majorities in parliament. 相似文献
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Stephen D. FisherRobert Ford Will JenningsMark Pickup Christopher Wlezien 《Electoral Studies》2011,30(2):250-257
This paper outlines and discusses techniques for three stages in forecasting parliamentary seats from British opinion polls: adjusting and aggregating published vote-intention figures from across different polls; forecasting how public opinion might change before election day; and predicting the seat totals from the forecasted election-day vote shares. Specifically, we consider a state-space model for opinion polls which correct for house effects and other sources of survey error, the estimation of the historical relationship between polls and the election-day share of the vote, and a probabilistic approach to predicting the winner in each constituency. 相似文献