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1.
欧盟颁布《2008年航空碳排放交易指令》将国际航空纳入其碳排放交易体系,随后,欧盟一直积极筹划将国际海运也纳入到该体系中。但由于国际海运温室气体排放的全球性等特点,欧盟此举将可能产生一定的域外效果。然而,无论从国际习惯法,还是《联合国海洋法公约》角度看,其域外管辖的效力均应受到质疑。中国作为欧盟最大的贸易伙伴国和航运大国,也应未雨绸缪,积极从法律、政治、外交等途径寻求应对之策,防范于未然。  相似文献   

2.
欧盟商标的注册费用近期内将减少40%。 欧盟商标和设计注册局(OHIM)是欧洲共同体商标(CTMs)的管理机构,OHIM提出削减商标注册费的建议,被欧盟委员会批准。并于《欧盟官方杂志》公布后开始实施。届时,一件CTM,以传真或纸介文本方式提交,将花费1050欧元;以电子文本方式提交,是900欧元。  相似文献   

3.
联合国国际货物多式联运公约于一九八零年五月二十七日在日内瓦通过以来已经一年多了。联运公约的制定是继一九七四年《联合国班轮公会行动守则公约》和一九七八年《联合国海上货物运输公约》之后在国际运输领域里取得的又一积极成果,它吸收了海运、航空等各项单式运输公约迄今以来所取得的最新成就,对国际运输法的发展作出了新的贡献。  相似文献   

4.
随着2009年《联合国全部或部分海上国际货物运输合同公约》(又称《鹿特丹规则》)对海上货物运输中承运人与托运人的权利和义务进行全面的调整,学界普遍认为这是国际海事公约对海运双方当事人利益的平衡。事实上,《鹿特丹规则》的意义远非如此简单,其在对海运双方当事人权利与义务进行全面调整的同时,更注重了权利与义务的对称性和对应性。因此,《鹿特丹规则》不仅仅是简单平衡了海运双方当事人的利益,更是对承托双方法律制度的一种完善。  相似文献   

5.
1994年结束的乌拉圭回合诞生了《服务贸易总协定》(GATS),它是世界贸易组织各成员国在服务贸易方面必须遵守的国际准则。本文结合《服务贸易总协定》的相关内容简要分析了我国海运服务业方面的立法和政策,同时简要剖析了我国海运服务贸易中的不足以及改进的策略。  相似文献   

6.
不论中国政府对《鹿特丹规则》持何种态度,该公约已经联合国大会通过是不争的事实,其被适用于国际海运市场亦是必然。因此,中国的海商法理论界和实务界应当积极地对《鹿特丹规则》进行研究,制定应对策略,以便在《鹿特丹规则》生效适用的将来,为中国海运业以及相关行业参与国际海运活动提供必要的法律支持。以此为目的,研究该公约有关海运主体类型的创新和变化对国际海运市场的影响,从海上保险的主体构成、保险利益原则的建设、如实告知义务的规则体系的完善等角度入手,讨论中国海上保险的制度完善,并就《中华人民共和国海商法》之海上保险合同部分提出修改建议。  相似文献   

7.
初评《鹿特丹规则》   总被引:7,自引:1,他引:6  
对《鹿特丹规则》中的海运+(maritime+)、承运人的义务和赔偿责任、托运人的义务和赔偿责任、货物的交付、批量合同与合同自由、承运人的识别等问题进行探讨和评论。  相似文献   

8.
欧盟食品安全法律体系评析   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
廉恩臣 《政法论丛》2010,(2):94-100
欧盟经过近50年的改革和发展,逐步建立起完善而严谨的食品安全法律体系,《食品安全白皮书》以及第178/2002(EC)号法规即《食品基本法》是欧盟关于食品安全的基本法律,同时欧盟还制定有大量具体的食品安全法规及指令以及完整而详细的技术标准体系。欧盟对食品链实行从“农场到餐桌”的全程监管,欧洲食品安全管理局在食品安全监管中发挥着重要的作用。中国最近颁布实施了《食品安全法》及其实施条例,对于食品安全监管制度进行了改革,欧盟关于食品安全的法律体系、法律制度以及监管模式对于中国具有重要的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

9.
欧盟委员会声称《反假冒贸易协定》(ACTA)与欧盟知识产权法律体系完全吻合,欧盟加入ACTA不存在法律修订的问题。但欧盟学术界则不以为然,部分学者运用比较法的研究方法,详细分析了欧盟知识产权法律体系与ACTA之间的差距。分析欧盟学术界和欧盟委员会的观点可以发现,欧盟知识产权法律体系与ACTA之间确实存在差距,尤其是在民事执法、边境措施和刑事执法层面。  相似文献   

10.
论班轮公会反垄断豁免法   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
对世界上主要航运国家相关立法及国际公约的规定进行了比较研究,详细分析了班轮公会哪些行动和相关协议享有反垄断法豁免权以及其附加义务,最后对中国正在制定的《航运法》提出了相关立法建议。  相似文献   

11.
临时仲裁作为世界上普遍流行的争议解决机制,尤其是在海事领域,有着无可比拟的优越性.受《中华人民共和国仲裁法》影响,中国海事仲裁只有机构仲裁.针对中国海事仲裁领域只有机构仲裁的现状,借鉴英国伦敦海事仲裁的先进经验,以中国(上海)自由贸易试验区的设立为契机,在中国(上海)自由贸易试验区试探索中国现阶段海事仲裁领域引入临时仲裁的可能性.  相似文献   

12.
The interplay of various legal systems in the European Union (EU) has long triggered a debate on the tension between uniformity and diversity of Member States’ (MS) laws. This debate takes place among European legal scholars and is also paralleled by economic scholars, e.g. in the ambit of the ‘theory of federalism’. This paper takes an innovative perspective on the discrepancy between ‘centralized’ and ‘decentralized’ law-making in the EU by assessing it with the help of the rules versus standards debate. When should the EU legislator grant the national legislator leeway in the formulation of new laws and when should all be fixed ex ante at European level? The literature on the ‘optimal shape of legal norms’ shall be revisited in the light of law-making in the EU, centrally dealing with the question how much discretion shall be given to the national legislator; and under which circumstances. This paper enhances the established decisive factors for the choice of a rule or a standard in a national setting (complexity, volatility, judges’ specialization and frequency of application) by two new crucial factors (switching costs and the benefit of uniformity in terms of information costs) in order to assess law-making policies at EU level.  相似文献   

13.
Citizenship is the cornerstone of a democratic polity. It has three dimensions: legal, civic and affiliative. Citizens constitute the polity's demos, which often coincides with a nation. European Union (EU) citizenship was introduced to enhance ‘European identity’ (Europeans’ sense of belonging to their political community). Yet such citizenship faces at least two problems. First: Is there a European demos? If so, what is the status of peoples (nations, demoi) in the Member States? The original European project aimed at ‘an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe.’ Second: Citizens are members of a political community; to what kind of polity do EU citizens belong? Does the EU substitute Member States, assume them or coexist alongside them? After an analytical exposition of the demos and telos problems, I will argue for a normative self‐understanding of the EU polity and citizenship, neither in national nor in federal but in analogical terms.  相似文献   

14.
This article presents three main arguments: First, shared competence exists between the national and supranational levels within the European Union (EU) because EU Member States do not trust the European Commission in the external relations law of the EU. Second, the EU will have greater bargaining power in international negotiations if it speaks in a single voice. Within the EU-27, we have compatible values, overlapping interests, shared goals, as well as economic, social and political ties. Therefore, there is a presumption of collective action in the EU’s external relations. However, EU Member States disagree on many issues before they start negotiations, while trying to define a mission together as partners of the European project. Third, Member States confer specific negotiating powers on the EU only when it is in their own national interest to have a common European position on international negotiations.  相似文献   

15.
The current European Union (EU) legislative framework on child-related leave is facilitating an imbalance in the take-up of leave by women over men. There is a consolidated EU right to maternity leave for mothers but there is no parallel EU right to paternity leave for fathers. The EU right to parental leave is for both working mothers and fathers, but its design does not encourage an equal take-up by women and men. The aim of this article is to gain insight into the effects of child-related leave on women’s labour market outcomes. On the one hand, it reviews and analyses economic literature which points to the adverse consequences of leave on women’s earnings, and even on women’s labour market participation when the absences from work are very prolonged. On the other hand, it underlines the new direction followed by the European Commission towards greater equality between men and women at home and at work.  相似文献   

16.
This article compares the EU’s enhanced extradition model, in the form of the European Arrest Warrant, with the more mature American interstate extradition mechanism. The US Constitution’s Extradition Clause mandates interstate extradition and, after a slow start-up, has led to a smooth and obligatory procedure. In the EU, the European Arrest Warrant, based on the principle of mutual recognition, has made a number of significant changes to traditional extradition and has simplified extradition between EU member states. Yet, it does not operate without problems and the first decade has revealed what the difficulties with extradition on the basis of mutual recognition are. The comparison with the US seeks to draw lessons from the US experience. The main finding is that in a number of areas the US example can direct the EU toward further improving its extradition scheme, while at the same time it is not realistic to expect that the EU will achieve a similar degree of harmony as in the US, required for an obligatory extradition scheme. The article argues that it is important to recognise these limits in order to make the European Arrest Warrant a success.  相似文献   

17.
This article analyses how the European Union's response to the euro‐crisis has altered the constitutional balance upon which its stability is based. It argues that the stability and legitimacy of any political system requires the structural incorporation of individual and political self‐determination. In the context of the EU, this requirement is met through the idea of constitutional balance, with ‘substantive’, ‘institutional’ and ‘spatial’ dimensions. Analysing reforms to EU law and institutional structure in the wake of the crisis – such as the establishment of the ESM, the growing influence of the European Council and the creation of a stand‐alone Fiscal Compact – it is argued that recent reforms are likely to have a lasting impact on the ability of the EU to mediate conflicting interests in all three areas. By undermining its constitutional balance, the response to the crisis is likely to dampen the long‐term stability and legitimacy of the EU project.  相似文献   

18.
从中国航运业和国际国内相关立法发展以及《中华人民共和国海商法》(简称《海商法》)自身不足的角度出发,分析修改《海商法》的必要性,并在此基础上提出,中国海事诉讼与仲裁实践经验以及成体系性的司法解释为《海商法》的修改提供了可能性,而《鹿特丹规则》的出台更为《海商法》的修改提供了时机性。  相似文献   

19.
This paper examines how the EU can best use its powers to establish marine protected areas (MPAs) in Antarctica. It first discusses the EU’s role in Antarctic governance and legal basis for the EU’s actions, with particular focus on the pending Joined Cases C-625/15 and C-659/16 at the Court of Justice of the European Union. Secondly, the paper analyses the negotiation process of the EU’s MPA proposals in the Southern Ocean within the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources. Thirdly, it provides suggestions regarding the EU’s potential actions that might help achieve proposed Antarctic MPAs.  相似文献   

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