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1.
While the salience of race is rising in public discourse, the dominant knowledge structure in international studies has deflected this issue. A look at curriculum and research programs suggests that the transnational dimensions of race are sidelined. The core concept of state sovereignty rarely opens to questions of race. Yet there is a longstanding tradition in transnational race relations, including substantial literature and university initiatives. These have had a tangible impact on the activities of international organizations. To restart such efforts in ways appropriate for our times, it is suggested that six sets of interaction between globalization and race could form the core of a curriculum and research program. This foundation provides the basis for explaining how the politics of "we" and "they," friends and enemies, operates in racializing questions of identity, especially after 9/11, when inclusion and exclusion are increasingly securitized.  相似文献   

2.
Female genital mutilation (cutting or surgery) (FGM) is an issue that epitomizes the changing nature of incorporating gender in teaching International Relations. Put simply, by increasing our attention to issues of concerns to women, like FGM, in International Relations classrooms and texts we begin to recognize the importance of these to the study of International Relations (IR). Yet without paying attention to how these issues reflect on the nature and directions of International Relations, we run the risk of sensationalizing or trivializing complicated issues like FGM and limiting our understanding of the interplay between gender, race, class, ability, and International Relations. This article explores several different approaches used to incorporate gender in International Relations teaching, including some analysis of texts, including: "see no evil, hear no evil and teach no evil,""add women and stir," multiple paradigms, and creating gendered IR. It suggests that until we use an integrative and transformative approach to gender in our teaching, we will continue to marginalize gender concerns. In the final section, the article discusses the challenges of resources and cultural narrowness and challenges to pedagogy when incorporating gender in International Relations teaching.  相似文献   

3.
在新媒体背景下,本文通过对广西民歌新唱的限制、鼓励和走市场化的3种传承、传播和发展模式的分析,提出南宁国际民歌艺术节成功举办的措施.  相似文献   

4.
Attending to mundane bureaucratic politics can highlight forms of everyday structural violence. This article draws attention to the spousal visa law in the UK. On the surface, this law does violence to family life, forcing indefinite separation. However, this law is also symbolic of some of the main structural violence in society that cross-cut gender, race, ethnicity, socio-economic class, age, education level and profession, thus making tangible some of the intangible borders in society. Through the vehicle of this law we will consider how structural violence can operate as an everyday terror, disrupting the boundaries of public and private life.  相似文献   

5.
    
《Japan Forum》2012,24(4):505-539
Abstract

Nippon Fujin (The Japanese woman, 1942–1945) was the most prominent wartime women's magazine of Japan that shaped its propagandistic messages in gendered and culturalized forms. Scrutinizing the visual dimension of the magazine, I discern patterns of gendered visual representation that primarily produce highly visible cultural notions and thereby veil, obscure and render invisible assertions of political power over colonized people as well as enemies. Visibility is commonly associated with influence, power and political impact, whereas less visibility – or invisibility – often indicates the positions of those who are politically powerless, socially disadvantaged or culturally oppressed. Contrasting the visual propaganda in Nippon Fujin with visual examples from NS Frauen-Warte (NS women's outlook), the major Nazi women's magazine of the time, I argue that in the former case there are concepts of ‘visibility’ and ‘invisibility’ at work that do not fit neatly into the paradigmatic assumption of mediated political ‘visibility’ as a pre-condition for public acceptance in a mass culture. To a large degree, it is the ‘invisibility’ or coded visibility of political actors that forms effective strategic elements of visual propaganda.  相似文献   

6.
In this study, we develop a model of the interplay between sociostructural determinants of an individual's discussion behavior, such as the setting of primary discussion networks (work, church, and volunteer groups) and the nature of discussion (i.e., level of exposure to non-like-minded ideas), and individual-level outcomes, such as hard news media use, political knowledge, and participation in political processes. In doing so, we synthesize many of the different and sometimes competing models that political communication scholars have used to examine the link between more macroscopic sociological variables and the individual-level behaviors that political scientists often focus on. Data to test our theoretical model come from a national telephone survey conducted in October and November 2002. Our analysis showed that the social setting in which citizens discuss politics is an important antecedent of political participation. Discussion networks as part of volunteer groups, for example, indeed serve as important networks of recruitment. In other words, discussing politics frequently in this setting is positively and directly linked to political activity. The impact of conversational networks in church and work settings on participation, however, is only indirect. In fact, our data show that the impact of church and work networks on political participation is to a significant degree mediated by the different viewpoints that individuals are exposed to when they discuss politics in these settings.  相似文献   

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