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1.
试论印尼华人文化   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文运用文化哲学原理,以印尼华人文化为研究对象,通过对其本体的解析、时空的察析及其运动态势的审视认为,印尼华人文化是一种构成多元、部类层叠的复合文化,是一种处在不断“当地化”又坚持“中华化”、对立统一运动的移民文化;印尼华人文化既有别于在印尼的异族文化,又不同于中华文化,是“移居”印尼的中华文化与在印尼的异族文化综合融合的结晶,是印尼华人的族群标识,是一种相对独立的民族(部族)文化,即华人“部族”文化;印尼华人文化复合了大量的中华文化和非中华文化要素,与生俱来就是中华文化与在印尼的各异族文化进行对话交流的重要中介,是印尼华人、印尼各民族(部族)的共同财富,是中国发展与印尼的友好关系、睦邻善邻友邻、构建和谐亚洲和世界的重要资源,是21世纪中国和平崛起的的宝贵资源。  相似文献   

2.
本文首先叙述了苏哈托统治时期,印尼华人在政治生活和文化心理上所受到的沉重打击,然后对"五月骚乱"后印尼华人的参政情况作了介绍.文章还从内外两个方面分析了印尼华人对政治生活不够积极的原因,其内因是印尼华人结构复杂,没有形成统一的族群意识,其外因是印尼政治仍有歧视华人倾向,印尼政治文化有待革新.  相似文献   

3.
印尼华人信仰多教混合,供奉多元神祇,呈现着一种重现世,重实用的色彩.这是中国民间宗教的多元取向特性在海外的延续,更是印尼华人主体意识的投射,是他们赖以进行文化身份定向的"经验".  相似文献   

4.
本文运用文化学原理,剖析了当今的印尼华人依然分离分治的现实,并指出这决不仅仅是少数人的行为所致,而是印尼华人"两集团四群体"一体多元状态的深刻反映,是印尼华人文化一体性与多元化矛盾运动的必然结果,是不以人们的主观意志和美好愿望为转移的一种文化运作机制所致.因此,大可不必为世纪之交印尼华人大联合大团结之昙花一现而悲观失望、横加指责.不过,鉴于凡印尼华人大联合大团结之际,便是其合法权益得以保障、社会地位得以改善之时,因此,又不可对当今印尼华人的分离分治无动于衷、顺其自然.文章依据印尼华人及其文化的本体性征和运动态势认为,印尼华人应该充分利用当前印尼民族民主运动所给予的最好机遇,在坚持投身于印尼政治改革、经济重振、文化重构、民族重组、国家重建的过程中,努力求同存异,殊途同归,以真正实现华人的大联合大团结,而自觉理性地践履、建构、完善印尼华人文化则是其千头万绪之纲、百废待兴之领,因为印尼华人文化是印尼华人消除派性的"基本建设工程",又是印尼华人整合为一的"求同存异之本",还是印尼华人得以顺时应变、与时俱进、绝处逢生、千秋万代的"安身立命之道",归根结底,是面临挑战与机遇、分化与重组的21世纪印尼华人进行"部族"建设,最终实现以"华族"整体在印尼民族中与各原住民"部族"殊途同归、和谐共济并谋取更好生存、更大发展之出路所在.  相似文献   

5.
今年是郑和下西洋600周年,本文论述了郑和下西洋多次到达印度尼西亚的经过,及其在印尼留下的诸如三保洞、三保庙、札克拉·陀惹大铜钟遗迹、遗物,以及"三保公鱼"和"郑和与榴莲"等神话传说.印尼的华人和当地其他民族对郑和遗迹、遗物的钟爱与向往,逐渐形成了"郑和崇拜",本文从文化学的角度分析了印尼华人"郑和崇拜"所表现出来的种种现象.本文认为,印尼华人的"郑和崇拜"经过漫长的历史岁月已发展成为今天印尼民间文化的一个特色.  相似文献   

6.
1998年以来印尼华人积极参政,至今已成为印尼政治发展的一股重要力量。2014年印尼大选,华人选民受到印尼主要政党的高度重视,不仅纷纷派出华人候选人,个别政党还邀请华人搭档竞选总统副总统。华人积极参与国会选举,成绩显著,广大华人选民倾力支持的佐科维成功当选总统,凸显了华人选票的影响力。在印尼不断推进政治民主和族群和谐的大环境中,印尼华人参政的良好势头,将持续发展。  相似文献   

7.
政治关系是印尼华人与当地民族关系的一个重要方面,政治参与活动是印尼华人保护自身,改善与当地民族关系的重要途径.本文简要叙述了1998年"五月骚乱"以后印尼华人参政条件的改善,重点说明了这一时期印尼华人参政的各种方式.  相似文献   

8.
路在何方?——印尼华人社会的现状与未来   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
】1998 年5 月印尼发生社会大骚乱,华人成为袭击对象,生命和财产遭受严重损失,印尼局势的发展和华人出路成为人们关注的焦点。正确看待印尼华人的几个热点问题,即关于华人控制印尼经济的争论,华人同化和印尼排华问题,有助于印尼社会的稳定和华人的生存与发展  相似文献   

9.
印尼华人参政问题:历史与现状   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:3  
在印尼独立前 ,华人社会中存在着 3种政治思潮。随着印尼的独立 ,大多数的华侨成为印尼公民 ,许多华人领袖积极参与当地的政治活动 ,保护华人的利益。在 196 6年以前 ,华人建立了种族性的华人政党 ,政治活动相当活跃。苏哈托掌握政权后 ,华人只能参与同化性的政党及压力集团。苏哈托政权垮台后 ,华人在民主改革大环境中 ,积极参与当地政治生活 ,组织政党和社团 ,为争取公民权而奋斗。  相似文献   

10.
二战后新独立的印尼采取对华人进行同化的政策,目的是要把当地华人同化成印尼土著,消灭民族差别.为此在政治、经济、文化等方面采取多种措施,其特点是强制同化.这种同化虽然取得了一定的效果,但在整体上被证明是失败的.文化多元政策也有其自身的缺陷.只有遵循民族平等的原则,实行自然同化和民族融合才是正确的出路.  相似文献   

11.
Xuanning Fu 《East Asia》1995,14(2):3-22
To protect Chinese students from possible political persecution, in 1993 a U.S. presidential executive order took effect, declaring that all Chinese nationals who came to the States before April 12, 1990, were eligible to apply for permanent residency in the United States. It is estimated that 50,000 Chinese students and their dependents obtained green cards, and the number is still growing today. This article analyzes how this group of immigrants changes the Chinese American community in its overall educational and occupational attainment, and how it affects China in its democratic progress. Due to their high educational achievement, these student immigrants will be a positive input to the Chinese American community in its educational and occupational attainment, and their stay also diversifies Chinese America in its demographic composition. On the other hand, although their stay in America will not severely affect China’s scientific development, since they can and do come back to China to offer help in that respect, it does have a detrimental effect on the growth of a news-born professional class in China and thus generates a negative impact on China’s long-term democratic progress. From this perspective, the article concludes that the Protection Act was politically short-sighted.  相似文献   

12.
This is a memoir of the period when the two authors served as contract officers in the armed forces of the Sultan of Oman, one as a soldier, the other as a pilot. The article describes the country and its inhabitants at that time and paints an intriguing picture of a traditional society on the brink of transformation. It also gives details of the military activities in which the authors were involved.  相似文献   

13.
Yufan Hao 《East Asia》1992,11(3):25-46
The environmental aspect of Chinese foreign policy has been neglected in the study of Chinese foreign relations. Yet it has become increasingly important since the late 1980s. Beijing’s increased interest in environmental diplomacy is closely linked with its security, economic, environmental and foreign policy interests. Recognizing the seriousness of its deteriorating domestic environment, the growing international attention on the ecological threats, and the need to improve China’s image and international status, Beijing has begun to pay special attention to environmental diplomacy. Yet China’s priority of economic development, its limited resources, its concerns about sovereign infringement, and trade barriers determine the features of China’s practice in this area.  相似文献   

14.
日本一向以重视教育著称,二战结束后,面对一片废墟,把发展教育放在首位的举措,更是令世人折服.但是,日本教育政策的另一面,即在重视发展本民族教育的同时,限制、排斥异民族的教育,则反映了日本教育政策的狭隘性,与标榜自己为教育大国的称号是不相称的.二战后日本政府制定并实施了<学校教育法>.按照<学校教育法>的规定,在日本的华侨学校不属于"正规学校"系列,而属于"各种学校"系列,致使华侨学校的发展受到了束缚和限制,这反映了日本政府狭隘的民族主义教育理念.  相似文献   

15.
Due to its enormous population, spectacular economic growth, and severe environmental degradation, China's environmental impact on the country and the world is difficult to assess. Knowledge of the environmental awareness and the growth of the environmental movement in China are critical to the understanding of the country's environmental future. Firstly, this paper examines the environmental awareness of Chinese people based upon two major surveys conducted in 1998. The findings contributed to our understanding of the environmental awareness of people in the following aspects: environmental literacy, prioritization of environmental problems, environmental governance, environmental ethics, and participation in environmental protection campaigns. Secondly, the paper scrutinizes the emergence of green NGOs in China in the 1990s. Chinese green NGOs possessed particular “Chinese characteristics” which distinguished them from those in the West. To date, the Chinese government is willing to allow more political space for citizen participation in environmental protection. Increasingly, green NGOs gained support not only from international communities but also from Chinese citizens who value a clean environment. Finally, the paper argues that the emergence of green NGOs offers a breakthrough in the conventional “government-reliance” attitude towards environmental protection. If these eco-activists can target non-sensitive issues, they may make profound contributions in enhancing environmental policy implementation.  相似文献   

16.
This study addresses the consequences of commercialization and modernization of agriculture on ethnic minority farming communities in Vietnam's upland areas. These communities have been deeply affected by the pro-market reforms introduced nation-wide as the result of economic renovation (doi moi). The study examines the changes in standards of living and quality of life as well as the constraints acting on the development of family farms. Importantly, it investigates the role of government in influencing the process of rural development. Some of the most important findings can be summarized as follows. First, pro-market reforms have led to the diversification of the farm economy. Cash crops, especially tree crops, are now the main component of the household economy. Second, income disparities have increased and poverty remains entrenched in pockets of the upland population. Third, in its effort to restructure the national economy, the central government has decreased its contribution to upland development. The weakening of the social and physical infrastructure hampers farmers' efforts to participate in the market economy. Fourth, because of a general lack of rural industries, few employment opportunities exist outside the farm sector. As a result, many households engage in informal off-farm activities as a survival strategy.  相似文献   

17.
Despite sustained criticism of Western modernization theory since the 1970s, several distinct groups of theorists have sought to renovate it. Further, some of the strongest evidence of the theory's continued vitality comes from discussions of China, the fastest developing contemporary society. A close reading of a diverse group of texts reveals that a lively, creative, and global Chinese modernization discourse has emerged in recent decades. That discourse draws heavily on classical modernization theorists like Max Weber, acknowledges the successors and critics, and often integrates these Western theories with Chinese social and philosophical traditions. This essay maps the Chinese modernization discourse, highlights its relationships with other modernization discourses, and situates it within historical and theoretical contexts.  相似文献   

18.
海外华文教育的历史回顾与梳理   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
海外华文教育是中国语言文化教育在国外的一种延伸,是一种国际性的教育.海外华文教育自其形成至今,已有300多年的历史.海外华文教育的发展有其自身的特点和规律,本文首先界定了华文教育的概念,而后将其划分为形成、兴盛、不平衡发展、复兴、高涨五个阶段,并作系统研究.  相似文献   

19.
本文以中国女子受辱事件为观察对象,论述了马来西亚华文报纸的特点与功能,指出它们具有高度的新闻职业精神、履行华人喉舌职能、维护华人权益和帮助政府改善施政等特点。  相似文献   

20.
汉语汉字在越南的传播既是中国封建统治者出于统治和开发边境民族文化的需要,更是越南封建王朝加强自身统治的需要。汉语汉字通过多种途径在越南进行传播,对越南社会政治文化以及语言文字的社会功能产生了广泛而深远的影响,它所包容的文化意义也就因此呈现出多方面性和多层次性。  相似文献   

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