浅谈阶层固化对贫富差距的影响

我国的贫富差距正在逼近社会容忍的红线,在拉大贫富差距的因素中,阶层固化是一个不容忽视的原因。消除阶层固化,缩小贫富差距成为重中之重。通过对教育、就业两方面分析,找出阶层固化影响贫富差距的主要途径,从而提出消除影响的对策。     

精英阶层再生产与阶层固化程度——以青年的职业地位获得为例

市场转型期,精英阶层的更替过程越来越强调个人能力和高等学历的作用。但这种机制并不排除精英再生产逻辑的运作,政治精英和技术精英都可以将自己的阶层优势传递给下一代。只是精英阶层的再生产规模和阶层固化的程度都是有限的,家庭背景等因素对青年成为精英的作用是基础性的,而不是无限制扩大的。较高学历、中高级职称与高行政级别等阶层身份特征在很大程度上都不具有代际再生产的特性。数据分析表明,在市场转型的头20年里,精英阶层的固化程度还不足以影响社会流动机制的正常运行。     

消解“阶层固化”隐忧

如何才能通过制度安排,缩小不同阶层之间的差距,从而弥合分歧,化解矛盾,控制冲突,降低风险?拼搏不如拼爹?合理、充分的阶层流动是社会充满生机和活力的源泉,只有实现社会的良性流动,社会才能在飞速前进中保持稳定与平衡。     

阶层固化背景下公民精神生活公共性建构的困境与突破

高质量的精神生活必须彰显其公共性,才能真正对公民自身和社会的和谐发展具有建构作用。阶层固化伤害了社会公平公正的社会基础,使公民缺少"公平公正"的实践经验与生存体验,精神生活公共性建构的物质基础、精神基础甚至主体性基础被严重削弱。从阶层固化的角度探讨公民精神生活公共性建构的困境与突破路径,即是试图突破原有传统研究范式,恢复社会本身的教养功能对公民精神生活公共性的内在基础性作用。     

社会流动中的“结构性”阶层固化:政治学的解释与应对

在社会流动的光谱上,最左侧是流动通道完全开放,偏右侧是阶层固化,最右侧是流动停滞。阶层固化按其生成原因可分为"身份型"与"资源型"。中国的社会流动变迁表明,"身份型"阶层固化是社会流动整体性固化,需要通过制度变革的方式改变,而"资源型"固化是社会流动结构性固化,可通过体制内的政策弥合与机制创新逐步消解。"结构性"阶层固化表现为"两通畅两封闭",即中层向上与向下流动的相对通畅,下层向中上层,上层向中下层流动的相对封闭。其内在属性决定利益受损群体向上流动的困境,与利益被保护群体维持优越现状向下流动的阻滞。中国社会流动的基本面是良性的,而阶层固化是局部的,从属于良性社会流动状态之中。形成"结构性"阶层固化的原因是复杂的,以政治学的维度分析,主要原因是倾斜于城市、沿海区域与垄断行业的集中式发展战略,因此,构建有效的社会保障机制、公共服务均等化机制与公共权力规范化机制是解决此问题的关键路径。     

流动人口对城市社区阶层化发展趋势的影响研究

随着我国经济社会的发展,城市外来流动人口规模日趋壮大。流动人口的进入对城市社区阶层化的发展将产生重要影响,这种影响既有积极的一面,也有消极的一面。从积极方面来说,有利于加快流动人口市民化进程,促进社区各阶层之间的融合关系;从消极方面来说,可能会导致社区阶层矛盾的加剧,对城市社区管理和服务提出新的挑战。要采取积极措施,促进外来流动人口融入城市社区。     

社会阶层固化:形成、成因、对策

进入21世纪,阶层分化的速度明显放缓,开始呈现固化趋势。社会阶层结构固化的形成经历了三个阶段:改革开放前以身份制度为主导划分社会阶层的阶段,以身份制度为主导向以市场为主导划分社会阶层的过渡阶段以及社会阶层结构与阶层位序的定型化。不合理的二元体制、社会资源分配不公平和改革开放以来允许收入差距扩大的政策是造成社会阶层趋固化的主要原因。打破阶层固化、建立公平合理的阶层流动机制,需要制衡权力、驾驭资本,化解阶层矛盾,顺畅各阶层表达意见的渠道,构建有效的社会保障制度,为底层阶层提供向上流动的机会和空间。··     

影响党群关系的社会因素分析

社会环境发生变化后,政党的群众基础随之变化,由此带来政党处理与群众关系的新变化。公民社会的兴起是当代中国影响党群关系的最重要社会因素。由此,党群关系面临新的挑战:一是,利益的分化是公民社会产生的前提,由此决定党群关系建设的总体思路必须突出利益代表性;二是,民间组织的大量生发和分化是公民社会生成的标志,发展民主政治建设成为处理党群关系的重要内容;三是,公民意识的形成是公民社会发展的保证,建设科学民主的公民文化成为处理党群关系的必然要求。     

影响党群关系的利益因素分析

利益是影响党群关系的核心因素,是政党和群众结成一定关系的原动力。利益影响党群关系的运行机理包括三个方面:一是利益主体的理念对党群关系有导向作用;二是合理合法的利益制度保障党群关系的有序运行;三是利益的动力作用推动着党群关系不断变化。其最终产生的负效应是利益矛盾引起党群关系紧张;正效应是利益协调导向党群关系和谐。     

构建和谐阶层关系的路径选择

阶层关系和谐是社会主义和谐社会的核心内容。我国当前社会各阶层在急剧分化的过程中,在利益关系、权力关系、观念关系方面还不协调。我们应坚持公平正义和双赢互利的理念,协调阶层关系,优化社会结构,在阶层关系和阶层结构的相互建构中构建和谐阶层关系。     

论政治文明与政党制度建设的关系

政治文明的实质和核心是政治民主化 ,其核心表现形式是制度文明。文明的政治制度化发展程度 ,事实上是一个事关人类政治文明发展的核心问题 ,在这个问题上 ,体现着一个国家和民族的政治智慧。笔者认为 ,随着人们价值观的变化 ,媒体的变化和政治发展的变化 ,政党体制也必然发生变化。在社会主义政治文明建设中 ,在政党制度建设问题上 ,执政党和参政党构成一个共同政治体系的两个方面 ,共产党处于多党合作的核心地位 ,起着领导作用 ,当代中国政党制度建设的关键在中国共产党     

论新时期的党群关系问题

密切党群关系是党的十六大关注的一个十分重要的问题 ,它对巩固和发展党的执政地位具有重要的意义。本文首先从理论和实践上分析了新时期加强和改进党群关系的必要性 ,然后从分析影响党群关系的因素入手 ,系统阐述了建立互动合作型党群关系的措施和办法     

构建和谐党群关系面临重大挑战

和谐党群关系是指政党与民众之间的关系处于一种合作、平衡的互动交流状态,具有合作性、民主性、制度性和共赢性特点。需要直面社会阶层复杂化和群体利益多元化、非政府组织大量出现、公民现代意识不断增强、现代信息通讯技术迅速发展、腐败滋生蔓延等方面的复杂挑战,这极大地考验着党的政治智慧和执政能力。     

The link between separation and political party preference: selectivity or causal influence?

ABSTRACT

This paper studies the impact of separation from marital and cohabiting relationships on political party preferences. Relying on longitudinal data (1999–2017) from the Swiss Household Panel, it examines to what extent differences in party preferences between partnered and separated individuals are the result of a selection effect (with individuals who separate having different party preferences prior to their separation compared with partnered individuals) or of a causal effect (with individuals changing their party preferences following separation). The analyses show that partnered individuals are significantly more likely to support a party with Christian values (the CVP) compared with separated individuals, and indicate that this is due to a selection effect. For populist right (SVP) voting, we find a causal effect of separation. Interestingly, the event of separation increases the likelihood of supporting the populist right SVP. While separated individuals are more likely to support the social democratic party (PSS) than married individuals, we do not find a significant selection or causal effect of separation on support for the PSS. Overall, our results confirm the relevance of taking a dynamic approach distinguishing selection and causal effects and reveal that the effect of separation on voters’ party choice is modest but significant.     

It takes two: how Eurosceptic public opinion and party divisions influence party positions

Do parties respond to voters’ preferences on European integration in elections to the European Parliament (EP)? Following recent research that shows political party responsiveness to Eurosceptic attitudes during EP elections is conditioned by party characteristics, this article seeks to understand how party unity on European integration affects party responsiveness to Euroscepticism. It argues that when Eurosceptic attitudes among voters are high and the parties are divided in their position on European integration, parties will be more responsive to voters and take a more Eurosceptic position. To test the theoretical expectations, the study uses data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, the Euromanifestos Project, and European Election Study for 1989–2009 for over 120 parties across 20 European Union member states. The findings have important implications for understanding the nature of democratic representation in the European Union.     

Ideological congruence between party rhetoric and policy-making

Scholars, citizens and journalists alike question whether political parties keep their electoral promises. A growing body of literature provides empirical evidence that parties do indeed keep their electoral pledges. Yet little is known about the congruence between party rhetoric between elections and the policies delivered by them. Given the increasing influence of party rhetoric in the media with respect to voting decisions, it is highly relevant to understand if parties ‘walk like they talk’. The article suggests that due to electoral reasons parties face strong incentives to deliver policy outputs which are congruent to their daily rhetoric. Analysing data on 54 policy outputs on nuclear energy, drafted by 24 parties after the Fukushima accident, the analysis finds overwhelming evidence that parties deliver ideologically congruent policy outputs to their rhetoric (incongruent only in 7.89%). These findings have important implications for our understanding of the linkage between party communication and the masses in modern media democracies.     

中国共产党执政能力研究综述:现状、评价、前瞻

执政能力概念的提出是我们党不断进行理论创新和实践创新的最新成果,是执政党建设和执政党建设理论研究的重大命题和战略课题。中国共产党执政能力问题研究涉及诸多题域,就研究范围而言,主要有执政能力的定义、执政能力的内容、如何提高党的执政能力等等。文章就近年来学术界关于执政能力的研究成果进行了细致梳理和扼要评析,并对今后执政能力研究的重点问题发表了意见和建议,以期起到深化理性认识和拓展相关研究的作用。     

New party challenges and partisan change: The effects of party competition on party loyalty

It has long been established that changes in the electorate can have an impact on party systems, sometimes leading to the creation of new parties and the elimination of old ones. We contend, however, that changes in the party system may cause voters to reassess their party identification absent of any long-term change in the overall makeup or attitudes of the electorate. As a case in point, we demonstrate that changes in the Canadian party system in the late 1980s (specifically the advent of the right-wing Reform Party) led to a decline in party loyalty among supporters of the right-center Progressive Conservative Party. We discuss the implications of these findings for the study of party systems and partisan change.     

Information flow and party influence: Theory,measurement, and policy consequences

In this paper I present a theory of party influence, based on Bayesian decision theory, as a process in which the voting decisions of individual legislators are influenced by information concerning the votes or intended votes of their rank-and-file colleagues. Procedures derived from the theory are then used to estimate the magnitude of party influence relative to the influence of the president and of party leaders, committee cue givers, and constituents on roll call voting in three policy domains in the U.S. House of Representatives. The results imply that party influence has important short-run and long-run consequences for public policy.