Hegemony and Autonomy

This article analyzes the concept of hegemony and examines its relationship to power and autonomy. Refuting the conventional belief that it is ideology that distinguishes hegemony, the article argues that it is autonomy that constitutes the distinguishing characteristic. Although hegemons tend to evolve into imperialists, hegemony involves leadership of an alliance, not domination by coercion. It is impossible to conceptualize hegemony without also including autonomy. In this conceptualization, the primary source of autonomy lies in a specific hegemonic system of domination that itself embodies the notion of autonomy for both the polity and its citizenry, a limiting construction that hinders the tendency toward imperialism. Such a system includes one type of autonomy that can be designated as autonomy within hegemony. In addition, the article discusses two other types of autonomy: counterhegemony and a largely power-based opposed hegemony. Thus, the article concludes, hegemony is a complex concept, with several types of manifestation, that can more usefully be understood in connection with autonomy and power than as a stand-alone concept.     

自治理念与城市社区自治的评价体系

我们讨论城市社区自治,恐怕无法回避自治理念问题。因为如同自由(1iberty)一样,自治(autonomy)也是一个中国化中间“从未尝立以为教”(严复语)的问题。中国,作为一个东方的、具有典型意义的“领土国家”(顾准语),有着悠久的大一统中央集权传统,虽然经历了近代和现代的民主革命,但革命成功以后,国内的现实状况,以及政治、经济和化发展的需要,又承接了这一传统。我们应该看到,传统的影响有碍于自治理念的思想启蒙。     

Autonomy,residence, and return

This article argues that those unjustly displaced from a particular territory T cannot involuntarily lose their rights to reside there, or, as a consequence, their rights of return to it, even if they develop territorially grounded conceptions of the good where they now reside. The contrary position fails to accord the unjustly displaced the respect due to them in virtue of their personal autonomy. Facts commonly alleged to justify the supersession of rights of return to T only provide evidence that the unjustly displaced have abandoned their rights to reside there, or would do so if given a just opportunity to return. The rights of those now residing in T, which author argues may include those responsible for the unjust displacement, may limit the right of return but are unlikely to preclude it altogether.     

The Necessity of Autonomy

A public ethic of care is a powerful tool for understanding and developing ethical and effective social policies. After sketching care theory and its central values and claims, this article identifies hospice programs as embodying a public ethic of care. Then, it scrutinizes the care needs and practices of terminally ill patients and families who are served by hospices. Building on this analysis, I argue that in the United States caregivers are made unduly vulnerable, and that impediments and strains to caregiving can be detrimental to the development and exercise of basic human capabilities. Accordingly, the article makes the case for a right to give care. It also concludes that public efforts to mitigate the burdens of informal caregiving are necessary to make such a right meaningful.     

Principles of Autonomy*

Autonomy has two faces, individual autonomy and institutional autonomy. Political systems not only deal with demands for individual freedom, the traditional rights of citizens to freedom of opinion, association and contract. Institutional autonomy is a pervasive property of all kinds of political systems. To international political systems just as to local and regional political systems, autonomy is a basic property. Both types of systems face the difficult task of maintaining stable relations with the nation state, securing an amount of control for the nation state while retaining some autonomy for themselves. The demand of various regions for independence or semiindependence within nation states has been a dominant theme in the politics of the sixties and the seventies. The autonomy of the nation state is its sovereignty. International political systems present a threat to the autonomy of the nation state, while at the same time they may provide mechanisms by means of which other sources of infringements on autonomy may be counteracted. Autonomy is a fundamental political property. A theoretical understanding of autonomy is conducive to the explanation of those aspects of political systems that are related to stability. Such an interpretation may place autonomy in an equilibrium analysis of how demand and supply of autonomy interacts with other basic political properties like influence and control.     

大学英语自主学习与能力培养

学习者自主这一概念由Henri Holec于1981年正式提出。自从该概念诞生以来,国内外学者围绕其展开了大量研究。如今大学生自主学习成为又一热门话题。自主学习建立的理论依据,能力培养的策略和教师角色转换是大学生自主学习能力培养的三个主要方面。     

Individual Autonomy and Local-Level Solidarity in Africa

Come election time, many localities in Africa seem to speak with one voice. Vote totals often suggest near-unanimity within villages and neighborhoods, even when national-level results demonstrate greater competitiveness. However, there is substantial variation in the electoral solidarity of local communities, with some demonstrating significantly less cohesion than others. Few if any scholars have tried to explain this variation. I theorize that solidarity levels are largely a function of community members' abilities to act autonomously. Namely, communities will be more likely to vote en bloc when residents are less able to resist pressures from local elites, who often act as brokers for national politicians, due to elite-empowering land-tenure regimes, poverty, and information scarcity. I test this theory with data from Uganda, which displays significant variation in local-level electoral solidarity. I find that electoral solidarity is lower in communities where freehold land arrangements are more common, living standards are higher, and mass media (i.e., radio signals) are more accessible.     

非营利组织的独立与自治

非营利组织作为一种民间志愿性组织,在发展社会福利、提高公众参与方面具有无可比拟的积极作用。但是,随着非营利组织数量的增加、规模的扩大及社会地位的提高,它却面临着丧失独立性、沦为政府附庸和商业公司的威胁。如何保持非营利组织的独立与自治、实现非营利组织的健康持续发展就成了我们应对的新挑战。非营利组织实现独立与自治的措施在于:强化非营利组织自身对独立性的追求与承诺;明确非营利组织使命,实现管理创新;采用透明的运作方式,提高组织公信度;扩大非营利组织间的交流与合作,提高部门竞争能力。     

Democratic Order,Autonomy, and Accountability

Accountability is a principle for organizing relations between rulers and ruled, and making public officials accountable is a democratic achievement. There are, however, competing claims about what is involved in demanding, rendering, assessing, and responding to accounts; what are effective accountability institutions; and how accountability regimes emerge and change. This article provides a frame for thinking about institutional aspects of accountability regimes and their cognitive, normative, and power foundations. A distinction is made between accountability within an established regime with stable power relations and role expectations and accountability as (re)structuring processes in less institutionalized contexts and in transformation periods. A huge literature is concerned with the first issue. There is less attention to accountability as (re)structuring processes. The article, therefore, calls attention to how democracies search for, and struggle over, what are legitimate accountability regimes and political orders.     

Renegotiating Soviet Federalism: Glasnost and Regional Autonomy

The current expansion of free political association under glasnost'has focused the political energies of mobilized national movementson demands for republican autonomy. Reform-minded elements inthe Gorbachev leadership have encouraged these movements, seeingthem as counterweights to central governmental bureaucracy.Aspirations for national statehood have reached fullest expressionin the Baltic republics, where the republican parliaments haveexpressed overwhelming support for economic and cultural sovereignty,but such sentiments are voiced by national intelligentsias ineach republic. Moscow has adopted a program of republican decentralizationas a solution to the growing problem of the federal budget deficit,but the implications of republican economic autonomy for thecohesiveness of the federal union are fundamental and far-reaching.     

中国地方自治立法的开端——清末地方自治

20世纪初年,西方列强入侵,中国内忧外患,清政府发布"变法"、"仿行宪政"的上谕,推行"预备立宪"、"修订法律"等项措施,地方自治是其中的重要内容之一,之后清政府颁布了一系列的地方自治章程,在全国各地加以实施。通过这一系列的措施,地方自治形成了初步架构。作为清末新政重要内容之一的地方自治,是中国近代意义的地方自治的开端,也是中国政治近代化的重要条件和基础,虽然有一定的历史局限性,但更有着重要的历史意义。     

Local Autonomy, Local Democracy and the 'New Localism'

Most studies of local autonomy and local democracy fail to distinguish adequately between the two terms. As a consequence, there is an assumed bilateral relationship between them in which changes in one are always deemed to affect the other – particularly in policy formulations. This article develops a stronger analytical distinction between them by considering local autonomy in three separate ways: as freedom from central interference; as freedom to effect particular outcomes; and as the reflection of local identity . Each of these conceptualisations raises different challenges for local democracy and its relationship to broader forms of democratic practice. When used to analyse the recent emergence of the 'new localism' as a policy approach within Britain, this separation also shows significant limitations in current policies towards democratic renewal and central policies that are supposedly focused on outcomes rather than processes. Although localities are being afforded some autonomy, most initiatives are not supporting the enhancement of local democracy.     

政策试点与村民自治的有效实现形式

从2014年到2019年,以村民小组或自然村为基本单元的村民自治试点进入国家的顶层设计但又最终淡出,其背后具有深层次的政策逻辑。实证研究发现,该项政策试点表现出明显的阶段性特征:第一阶段,广东清远进行关于"村民自治重心下移"的地方预先自主试验;第二阶段,中央政府在总结清远经验的基础上进行政策调试和试点铺开,将试点核心内容由"在村民小组或自然村建村民委员会"转向"村民小组或自然村建村民理事会等组织",实现全国性的地区试验扩散;第三阶段,中央政府根据政策试点的反馈以决定政策维系或是中断。研究表明,铺开后的政策试点涌现出一系列的组织性难题,影响着政策创新的治理效能和扩散能力,导致该项政策最终淡出中央的顶层设计。汲取试点经验,应在组织能力建设和组织功能发挥等方面对政策试点不断进行优化,继续深入探索村民自治的有效实现形式。     

Alternate Routes to Autonomy in Federal and Quasi-Federal Systems

In late twentieth-century federal systems, provinces and stateshave sought greater autonomy because of economic neglect, distinctivenessof society and political culture, administrative inefficiency,and local efficacy. This article examines both structural andpolitical avenues to autonomy in six stable democratic federalsystems. In general, structural attempts to increase provincialor state autonomy in federal systems are found wanting. Becauseamendments to federal constitutions require extraordinary majoritysupport, they tend to centralize power. Referenda may be usedto retard centralization only under exceptional circumstances.Secession has been a successful strategy in only a small numberof cases. Political strategies, such as judicial interpretationof the constitution and conferencing, have been somewhat moreeffective; but political system characteristics impose restrictionson their use. Two types of decentralization that apply universally—devolutionand deconcentration—appear to enhance powers of subnationalunits. However, they require significant facilitating conditionson the national plane. The article calls into question the practicalvalue of structural arrangements, suggesting that alternatepolitical strategies sometimes produce more decentralized effects.     

Bureaucratic Roles: Political Loyalty and Professional Autonomy*

Political leaders in many countries have experienced growing problems of capacity in the postwar period, a development leading to an increase in the delegation of authority to public administration and civil servants. This delegation of authority creates a significant potential for discretionary decision-making authority on the part of public bureaucrats. One way of studying how bureaucrats handle this situation is to focus upon bureaucratic roles. Bureaucratic roles traditionally contain both political and professional norms. This article discusses how these political and professional considerations can be defined and how these norms are balanced given the potential for conflict which is present. The discussion is illustrated by measuring the perception of bureaucratic norms and role enactment among civil servants in Norwegian ministries. Results indicate that civil servants appear to have few problems in attending to and balancing both political and professional role norms.     

论中国民族区域自治与民主政治建设——以广西民族区域自治为个案分析

民族区域自治属于民主政治范畴.世界上不同政体的国家有不同的民族治理模式,中国采用民族区域自治的办法解决民族问题,是由我国的历史发展、文化特点、民族关系和民族分布等国情决定的,也是符合各民族人民共同利益和发展要求的.本文从民族区域自治是民主政治建设的重要组成部分、民族区域自治制度对我国民主政治发展的贡献、广西民族区域自治的成功经验与启示这三个方面入手,阐述了民族区域自治与民主政治建设的关系.