论新认同政治与欧洲认同的逐步形成

肇始于战后的欧洲一体化进程发展到今天已经进入经济政治的全方位联盟。然而,欧洲联盟不仅仅是一个利益和目的的共同体,它还应该是一个文化和理念的共同体,为所有的欧洲公民创造一个情感归属的“精神家园”。而欧洲认同的建构是实现这一目标的唯一途径,那么如何解读并建构一种共同的欧洲认同?本文试图从欧洲认同感产生、新欧洲认同政治以及欧洲认同的逐步形成等三个方面对欧洲认同这一历史现象进行考察。     

Regionalism and Crisis Prevention in (Western) Europe and (Eastern) Asia: A Systematic Comparison

While the globalization of risks is commonly recognized, a corresponding global pattern of risk management has not arisen. For a while after 1989 the vision of a global community of states appeared to be coming true. Long-standing conflicts were settled, and the UN Security Council for the first time acted with consent and commitment in the area of crisis reaction. However, this short-lived phase of global conflict management was soon troubled, beginning with a cascade of secessionist disputes and ending abruptly on 9/11. Ironically, today's global crisis management seems to be more complicated and less promising than that of the Cold War with its comparably primitive bipolar structure. Some threats, such as arms races, nuclear proliferation, enemy images and Alliance-building, have returned. Frozen conflicts have been re-heated because of spreading ethno-political strife. New lines of confrontation have also emerged from transnational constellations. Nations and states are under pressure to cope with new risks at a time when both their competence and capability to manage societal change and adjust to globalization are under duress.1 ¹?My thanks for editorial advice go to my assistant Heather Gilmartin. View all notes While the responsibility2 ²?Nye, J.S., “U.S. Power and Strategy after Iraq,” Foreign Affairs, no. 4/2003, p. 65. View all notes of states to carry out crisis management in a turbulent environment is increasing, their operational capability is being challenged, from both top-down and bottom-up. Most states in the northern hemisphere feel sufficiently prepared to prevent conflicts between themselves and other states, but they are less well prepared for armed conflicts other than among states—so-called asymmetric wars. Where nation-state-based responses are insufficient and global responses out of reach because of disagreement among big powers, it is the regional level, which looks most promising for tackling these new challenges. But even if regional patterns function well, crucial questions remain. Might smaller states become the objects or victims of power politics in a region if it is dominated by champions? Would regional arrangements foster global fragmentation? How can the success of regional conflict resolution be transferred to the national level in cases of transnational risks, and is there anything that states can learn from each other in organizing regional security and state-to-state cooperation? Finally, should tools and strategies that have proven successful in one region be applied to others? This analysis compares state-based regionalism in (Western) Europe and (East) Asia. It accepts the premise that states can learn from each other, but argues that attempts at direct model transfer should be avoided.     

论晚清首任驻德公使刘锡鸿在德国的活动与思想

刘锡鸿出使欧洲,是中国近代外交史上的一件大事.他先担任了中国首任驻英公使郭嵩焘的副使,随后被清政府任命为首任驻德公使.本文则对驻德使馆的建立和人员的组成、刘锡鸿任内所做之事,及其在德国的思想三个方面进行详细论述.     

权威与媒体性--关于德国的跨文化讨论

权威和媒体是跨文化讨论中的两个重要方面,本文从文化、民族志、文化殖民主义、人类或机器、电视的认知布局与跨文化性和超文化性来探讨"权威和媒体"这一重大题目.     

德国总理格哈德·施罗德在被授予同济大学名誉博士学位时的讲话

尊敬的校长女士、校务委员会主任先生、尊敬的教授们、亲爱的同学们、女士们、先生们 :我为今天诸位给予我的崇高荣誉致以衷心的感谢。我将这一表彰视为首先是对中德两国之间以及我们两国人民之间极好关系的高度评价。这种关系是我们共同合作的成果 ,也是我们将来所必须继续为之努力的。这种关系不仅对两国的政治家来说是重要的 ,尤为重要的则是它可以促进我们两国人民携手共进。大批中国学生在德国学习 ,这一点使我非常高兴 ,我认为这对于我们两国之间的关系是至关重要的。恰恰在这所大学获得名誉博士学位 ,使我非常振奋 ,尤其是因为我对这…     

晚清编译德国军事著作活动考评

作为洋务中师德军事教育的一个有机组成部分,德国军事著作的翻译与编纂占有十分重要的地位.以甲午战争为线,晚清编译德国军事著作的活动,大致可分为前、后两个阶段.从19世纪70年代至甲午海战为前期,以江南制造总局等官办译书机构为主体,出现了大规模翻译德国先进武器书籍的局面,大量的德国原版军器著作涌入译出.甲午战后为译书的后期.此期译书活动的内容由战前的兵器学译著转向德国的军事学等理论著作;译书机构除官办译书馆外,出现了众多由私人编撰的译介著作与教科书.编译德国军事著作活动与晚清政府的自强运动、军事变革相呼应,丰富并促进了中国近代的师德军事教育.     

论欧洲证券市场的一体化

20世纪 80年代以来 ,欧洲证券市场朝着一体化的目标经历了一系列分化组合 ,其中有代表性的事件是“1985年欧共体委员会关于建立单一欧洲市场的白皮书”的发表、建立IDIS、EUROLIST、EUROQUOTE、NORDQUOTE、EASDAQ、EuroNM、Euronext等。这些联合或兼并的规模不一 ,有的失败了 ,有的目前仍在运行 ,有的则还处在设想阶段 ,欧洲证券市场走向一体化的进程仍将充满艰辛。     

德国法律服务业开放的管窥和启示

德国法律服务业实行渐进和有限制的开放策略 ,遵循WTO基本规则 ,逐步制定了一套有关外国律师在德国境内执业的规定 ,这对中国加入WTO即将进一步开放法律服务市场 ,提供了有益的经验和启示。     

民主管理与公权保障——德国工伤预防的两大基石

德国工伤预防是德国工伤保险制度可持续发展的中坚，同业公会进行工伤预防的成功经验被包括中国在内的许多国家广泛借鉴。德国同业公会进行工伤预防有两大机制保障：一是国家将部分预防公权赋予给同业公会；二是同业公会本身的民主管理，具体表现为同业公会的自治性质及劳工参与。可以说公权保障与民主管理是同业公会工伤预防成功的两大基石。     

德国新买卖合同法中的瑕疵担保责任制度评析

随着 2 0 0 2年 1月 1日德国债法现代化法 (以下简称新法 )的施行 ,有着 10 0年悠久历史的《德国民法典》经历了一次自诞生以来最为深刻的变革 ,而买卖合同法是这次改革的重心之一。德国的立法者弃担保主义而取履行主义 ,以履行主义为理论基础 ,扩展了物的瑕疵范围 ,将物的瑕疵和权利瑕疵统一调整 ,重新构建了买卖合同法中的瑕疵担保责任制度。新法不仅克服了旧法理论基础不统一、调整方式多样、适用困难等缺陷 ,而且体现出明显的侧重于保护消费者的立法倾向     

德国能源政策浅析

能源政策是历届德国政府的重要政策之一 ,以现任总理施罗德为首的德国联邦政府一直对能源政策给予认真的关注。作为一个经济大国 ,德国的一次能源的总消耗量和其中的石油消耗量均居于世界前列 ;而作为一个“贫油国” ,其能源的短缺则更是居于世界的前列。所以在德国 ,无论哪个政党联盟执政 ,都不敢对能源政策掉以轻心     

论德国民法中的授权行为

授权行为是德国民法总则当中的一项重要法律行为.在法律性质上,授权行为是单方、须受领的意思表示.在民事行为能力上,授权人必须是完全行为能力人,如果未成年人为授权须征得法定代理人事前同意方能有效.授权行为与代理行为是相互独立的两个法律行为,成立有效代理并不以授权行为本身、而是以授权行为的法律后果--代理权为构成要件.授权行为还应与基础关系相独立,遵循无因原则.     

PAKISTAN (REVIEW ARTICLE)

Victoria Schofield reviews two books on Pakistan:- the third, much revised, edition of Owen Bennett Jones’ Pakistan In the Eye of the Storm and Hilary Synnott's Transforming Pakistan, Ways out of Instability. Both books are arranged thematically and are full of useful information. They underline how important it is for outsiders to understand the course of recent events. For even though the problems facing Pakistan can in the end only be resolved by Pakistanis, outsiders undoubtedly have a crucial role to play.     

Exploring (and Explaining) the British Prime Minister

Institutions cannot be understood without exploring the actors who occupy them, while actors cannot be understood without examining the institutions they inhabit. Ultimately, the actions of both institutions and actors cannot be understood separate to the political, social and economic context within which they are located. Tony Blair, rightly cited as an example of a powerful prime minister, does not have a monopoly of power, but he does have an extensive authority. The prime minister requires two things to operate effectively within Whitehall and Westminster: first, power over their parliamentary majority; and second, power within the government they lead. Because this power is contested and challenged, the age-old question, the actual degree of collegiality within government, is as central to contemporary debates about the working of the core executive as to the ancient debate about prime ministerial versus cabinet government. The prime minister is therefore best modelled as a strong, but sometimes weak, parliamentary chief executive.