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This paper discusses the right to self-determination of the indigenous people of Western Sahara. It studies their post-colonial struggle for self-determination, which has been denied owing to Morocco's occupation and forcible annexation of their territory in 1975. It also looks into the process by which the right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination has been institutionalized within the United Nations (UN) system as well as the ongoing UN peace efforts to implement this right and the prospects to which they may lead. Overall, the paper seeks to demonstrate that the continuation of the conflict in Western Sahara is a strong reminder of an enduring violation of a fundamental norm of international law, and the responsibility of the UN and the international community as a whole to redress this aberrant situation.  相似文献   

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This article explores whether and in what sense there is a "United Nations policy," a topic unexplored in the literature. The UN's universal character provides legitimacy, a precious asset in formulating global public policy. It is thus the forum of choice for regime negotiation and norm promotion for contested contemporary challenges, reflecting its comparative advantage and its unique ability to formulate policies that aspire to universal application and relevance. This essay explores the UN's particular contribution to global problem solving for terrorism, sustainability, and controlling pandemics in order to show, through these three illustrations, how the United Nations contributes to the advance or retreat of global governance.  相似文献   

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联合国的现在与未来   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
“9·1 1事件”一年来 ,联合国在国际反恐中发挥了重要作用。 2 0 0 2年 8月 2 6日 ,联合国在南非召开了可持续发展“地球峰会” ,有一百多个国家的政府领导人与会。 9月1 0日 ,第 57届联大揭幕。联合国的地位、作用及其在 2 1世纪的发展前景再次成为人们关注与思考的焦点。为此 ,本期特邀请中国现代国际关系研究所的几位专家 ,以联合国的现在与未来为题举行对谈 ,就联合国的发展演变、其地位与作用的变化、特别是“9·1 1”后联合国面临的新使命和新挑战及 2 1世纪发展前景等问题 ,进行了探讨。或许 ,这些探讨还有欠深入 ,如能由此引发您的进一步思考并就相关问题提出新观点、新看法 ,将是我们的最大收获。  相似文献   

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The literature on social capital has strongly increased in the last two decades, but there still is a lack of substantial empirical evidence about the determinants of international trust. This empirical study analyzes a cross-section of individuals, using micro-data from the World Values Survey, covering 38 countries, to investigate trust in international organizations, specifically in the United Nations. In line with previous studies on international trust we find that political trust matters. We also find that social trust is relevant, but contrary to previous studies the results are less robust. Moreover, the paper goes beyond previous studies investigating also the impact of geographic identification, corruption and globalization. We find that a higher level of (perceived) corruption reduces the trust in the UN in developed countries, but increases trust in developing and transition countries. A stronger identification with the world as a whole also leads to a higher trust in the UN and a stronger capacity to act globally in economic and political environment increases trust in the UN.
Benno TorglerEmail:
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联合国成立半个多世纪以来,国际形势和其本身的构成都发生了沧桑巨变,超级大国推 行单边主义,使其面临空前严峻挑战。这些使联合国改革,确定其在新形势下的正确定 位和走向,提上了重要而迫切的议程。安理会是联合国改革的主要着力点。宜适当增加 发展中国家在安理会中的席位,以加强联合国的代表性和权威性。现有的安理会五个常 任理事国的否决权是历史形成的,不宜改变。新增的常任理事国不宜享有否决权。经社 理事会和联合国其他机构也须进行必要改革,以使之能快速而高效运转。联合国及其 《宪章》始终符合时代的需要和国际社会的根本利益,是不可取代和或缺的。其需要改 革和完善,但没有也不会过时。超级大国用霸权逻辑改造联合国和篡改联合国宪章的图 谋是不会得逞的。  相似文献   

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非洲与联合国改革   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
长期以来,非洲在国际格局中一直处于边缘地带.但是随着近年来政治形势渐趋好转和经济的持续增长,非洲的国际处境也相应出现了改善.非洲对国际事务的作用及影响有所上升.尤其是在今年以来的联合国改革之争中,非洲的表现令人刮目.由于发展水平落后的牵制,非洲在国际上仍处于相对弱势地位."争常"对非洲既是机遇,也是挑战.目前,非洲正努力抓住机遇,以积极主动的姿态争取国际决策权.  相似文献   

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Despite the apparent virtues of UN sanctions in terms of legitimacy and universality, attention in recent years has focused on their questionable achievements and adverse consequences. In particular, the cost of imposing sanctions is unevenly spread, while comprehensive measures harm the civilian population in the target and spare those responsible for the offending policies. This article discusses the merits of UN sanctions in the context of the membership and practice of the Security Council and looks closely at flaws in sanctions programmes and in their administration. Experience suggests careful review of alternative means of pressure as well as reform of existing procedures.  相似文献   

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万震 《国际观察》2007,7(6):41-46
联合国维持和平行动已经过近60年的风雨洗礼,后冷战时期的维和实践呈现出许多新的特点,然而却面临着财政困窘、立法缺位、预防性部署、传统规则濒临消解等重重困境。本文力图寻求财政解困途径,提出立法规制建议,全新解读传统规则,从而探究维和行动未来发展的出路。  相似文献   

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冷战结束后,联合国在众多国际领域的治理及其影响日益广泛,对联合国的民主问责便成为理论和现实中的一种必然要求.本文从联合国成员内部的民主、成员间民主和全球民主三个层次考察了联合国的民主之内涵.在此基础上阐述了联合国的民主治理及其治理机制完善的主要变革途径.  相似文献   

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Two years after the popular mobilisations in Egypt and Tunisia of early 2011, post-uprising authorities, including the Islamist parties that came to power, have failed to deliver on the demands for social justice that triggered those protests. They have responded to past and present socio-economic challenges by adopting measures that are in clear continuity with previous regimes and lacking any coherent long-term vision of economic reform. Indeed, albeit with differences between the two countries, post-uprising authorities, lacking experience and competence, have not fully broken with the old system in reconfiguring power relations within and outside state institutions and have continued to adopt a top-down approach to economic decision-making.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

The chapter begins with a discussion of the draft definition of terrorism in the UN Ad Hoc Committee on Terrorism, a definition which covers both terrorist blackmail and intimidation of target audiences but does not address the terrorist goal of impressing potential and actual constituencies with their “propaganda by the deed”. It distinguishes then between a military response to terrorism, based on maximum force within the framework of the laws of war, and a law enforcement response, based on minimal use of force, within the framework of the rule of law. Subsequently twelve principles of the rule of law are outlined and their relationship to human rights is clarified. Next a discussion of specific human rights and how they relate to terrorism and countering terrorism follows. The activities of the Terrorism Prevention Branch of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime are discussed in the framework of the three-pronged UN Strategy against international terrorism. The chapter ends by stressed that upholding human rights and effective anti-terrorist measures are not exclusive. On the contrary: human rights and the rule of law are essential tools in the effort to combat terrorism.

By its very nature, terrorism is an assault on the fundamental principles of law, order, human rights, and peaceful settlement of disputes upon which the United Nations is established.
K. Annan, 4 October 2002

Notes

The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the United Nations where the author serves as senior crime prevention and criminal justice officer of the Terrorism Prevention Branch of the Office on Drugs and Crime in Vienna.

UN Ad Hoc Committee on Terrorism, Comprehensive Convention [draft], Article 2–A/C.6/56/L.9, annex I.B.

‘Coordinateur du Mardi Saint’, Ramzi Ben Al-Shaiba promettait ‘un Millier d'autres Operations de ce Type’, Le Monde (16 Sep. 2001) p. 2. F. Halliday observed in a similar vein: ‘11 September did not, nor was it designed to, destroy America as a power so much as to mobilize support against its Middle Eastern allies’. Fred Halliday, Two Hours that Shock the World?–?September 11, 2001: Causes & Consequences (London: Saqi Books 2002).

An example of this communication function (which is linked to intimidation) is a statement broadcasted by Al Jazeera in early October 2002 in which Aiman Al Zawahiri, the No. 2 in Al-Qaeda said, referring to the attack on German tourists in front of the Jewish synagogue in Djerba, Tunis, and to the attack on the French oil tanker Limburg off the coast of Yemen: ‘The Mujahedeen youth has sent one message to Germany and another to France. Should the dose [of the message] not have been sufficient, we are ready – of course with the help of Allah – to increase the dose’. Der Spiegel 21 Oct. 2002. For an interpretation of terrorism along these lines, see A. P. Schmid, Violence as Communication (Beverly Hills: Sage 1982).

‘Remember. September 11 Changed the World. But Not Enough’, The Economist (7 Sep. 2002) p.11. Osama bin Laden expressed the hope that ‘these events [9/11] have divided the world into two camps, the camp of the faithful and the camp of infidels’. Bin Laden Statement, 7 October 2001: ‘The Sword Fell’, in John Prados (ed), America Confronts Terrorism: Understanding the Danger and How to Think About It (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee 2002), p.13.

Osama bin Laden has been explicit about his goal: ‘We are seeking to incite the Islamic nation to rise up to liberate its land and to conduct a jihad for the sake of God’. Carl Conetta, Dislocating Alcyoneus: How to Combat al-Qaeda and the New Terrorism (New York: Columbia University Press 2002) p.2.

With regard to Al-Qaeda, Brian M. Jenkins hypothesized:‘ Al Qaeda's leadership probably anticipated that the attack would provoke a major military response, which it could then portray as an assault on Islam. This would inspire thousands of additional volunteers and could provoke the entire Islamic world to rise up against the West. Governments that opposed the people's wrath, quislings to western imperialism, would fall. The West would be destroyed’. Brian M. Jenkins, Countering al Qaeda: An Appreciation of the Situation and Suggestions for Strategy (St. Monica: RAND 2002) p.7.

For an elaboration of these two models, see Ronald D. Crelinsten, ‘Analysing Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism: A Communication Model’, Terrorism and Political Violence 14/2 (Summer 2002) pp.77–122.

Mary Robinson, ‘Human Rights Are as Important as Ever’, International Herald Tribune 21 June 2002. In another statement, Kofi Annan said: ‘while the international community must be resolute in countering terrorism, it must be scrupulous in the ways in which this effort is pursued. The fight against terrorism should not lead to the adoption of measures that are incompatible with human rights standards. Such a development would hand a victory to those who so blatantly disregard human rights in their use of terror. Greater respect for human rights, accompanied by democracy and social justice, will in the long term prove effective measures against terror. The design and enforcement of means to fight terrorism should therefore be carried out in strict adherence with international human rights obligations’. Kofi Annan, Message to the African Union's High Level Inter-Governmental Meeting on Terrorism, Algiers 11 Sep. 2002.

Sergio Vieira de Mello, Statement before the Counter Terrorism Committee of the Security Council, New York, 21 Oct. 2002.

Roger S. Clark, ‘The United Nations Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Program’, Formulation of Standards and Efforts at Their Implementation (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 1994) pp.95–125.

Annex to A/57/273–S/2002/875 Report of the Policy Working Group on the United Nations and Terrorism. General Assembly/Security Council (Provisional Agenda Item 162).

SC RES 1456 (2003).  相似文献   

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《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):315-352
Recently, both within and outside of the U.N. there have been serious debates on certain proposals which are aimed at changing the voting structure of the Security Council. However, neither the proponents nor the opponents of these proposals provide any evidence whatsoever about consequences of the change. This paper has dealt with two critical areas: 1) the role of the veto in the functioning of the U.N. is analyzed and articulated and 2) recent proposals to change the voting structure of the Council are analyzed and their theoretical consequences are identified.  相似文献   

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杨泽伟 《国际观察》2007,25(6):20-26
联合国改革是指为了适应国际关系的变化和提高效率,而对联合国进行的机构性演变的过程。联合国自身发展的需要和国际关系的变化,是联合国改革的内外动因。"9.11"事件后,国际法律秩序的危机成了影响联合国改革进程的重要因素之一。  相似文献   

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