中蒙经贸关系的现状及前景

中国一直重视加强与蒙古的经贸关系.近年来,中蒙经贸关系发展迅速,中国已成为蒙古国的第一大贸易伙伴和第一大投资国,对蒙古的援助也明显增加.中蒙经贸关系的顺利发展主要得益于中蒙良好的政治关系,中蒙经济上的互补性以及中国崛起效应等因素的推动.然而,一些限制因素也在阻碍中蒙经贸合作深入发展.为此,要想推动中蒙经贸合作深入发展,就需要进一步夯实双边合作的基础、加强民间互动、挖掘两国经济潜力、优化投资政策和环境.     

提升中蒙基础设施互联互通,建设好新丝绸之路经济带

<正>在东北亚区域合作中,中国发挥着日益重要的作用。目前,存在着中俄蒙合作与中日韩合作"双轮驱动"的互动关系。在加快中日韩自贸区建设的同时,要加快推进中俄蒙合作,并以此促进中日韩合作。从周边地区形势来看,中俄蒙合作的条件日趋有利,应当顺势而上。1999年至今,中国一直保持蒙古国第一大贸易伙伴国地位。2012年,中蒙矿产交易额占蒙古国矿产交易总额的70%。蒙古国平衡发展与俄美的关系、重视同日欧等国家的合作,但矿产品的主要出口市场和生活日用品进口来源是中国,目前,中蒙两国政治、经济关系处于最好的发     

蒙古国参与区域经济合作和发展与大国关系

蒙古国一直重视并积极参与东北亚区域经济合作,这不仅对该地区的经济合作具有重要意义,也有利于蒙古国自身的经济发展。蒙古国需要依靠开发本国自然资源来积累资本,而这需要大量的资金和长期的勘探、开发过程,以及大规模的基础设施建设,因此,蒙古国在保证国家利益和安全的前提下,采取优惠政策来吸引外国资本。蒙古国与中国的经济贸易合作在平等互利的原则基础上稳定发展。中国是在蒙古国直接投资最多的国家。蒙中合作开发蒙古国矿产资源将成为21世纪蒙中经贸合作关系的主旋律。当今蒙中两国经济合作的另一个非常重要的组成部分是自然环境的保护。蒙中两国除了在发展牧业方面进行合作外,中国还可以投资或蒙中合资建立肉类食品、乳制品等畜产品加工厂。蒙古国与中国在种植业方面也有广阔的合作前景。蒙古国同俄罗斯联邦的经济合作关系随着普京总统2000年11月对蒙古国的访问得到了进一步加强。蒙美建交后,两国关系迅速发展,经济合作不断加强。近几年来,蒙日两国经济合作关系得到快速发展。日本是所有对蒙古国援助国家中提供援助和贷款最多的国家。     

中蒙俄经济走廊视域下"万里茶道"的意义与发展策略

"万里茶道"是继丝绸之路后在欧亚大陆兴起的又一条重要国际商道,这条"世纪动脉"为当今中蒙俄三国深化全面战略伙伴关系提供了新的发展空间.在中蒙俄经济走廊战略框架下,"万里茶道"所承载的价值更加凸显,它成为融合蒙古国"草原之路"战略、俄罗斯"跨欧亚大通道"建设的最佳对接点,对中蒙俄经济走廊建设具有重大意义:可以增强文化认同...     

日蒙EPA的政治经济意义分析

日蒙EPA是日蒙两国经济外交战略相互结合的产物,是其深化双边交流的重要平台。日蒙EPA对两国政治外交和经济贸易的影响和意义根据双方政治经济条件以及对EPA的动机不同而各异。对日本而言,日蒙EPA是其价值观外交、资源外交战略的延伸,是日本扩大对蒙投资和两国经贸合作、深化双边交流的重要的战略机制性保障,但是,从日本对蒙的贸易依存度和蒙古国的经济规模看,其对日本的政治外交以及经济贸易影响有限。对蒙古国而言,由于受本国经济规模、传统的地缘政治等重要因素的制约,日蒙EPA的影响也有其局限性,它在经济贸易领域的影响和意义大于在政治外交领域的影响及意义。鉴于日本的FTA/EPA战略中遏制中国的战略意图相当明显,中国应因地因事制宜地调整经济外交战略,有针对性地防范和抵御由此带来的不利影响。     

美蒙关系持续升温对我国安全战略的影响

冷战结束后，蒙古适时调整了其安全战略，积极发展同美国等西方发达国家的交往和联系。地缘因素是蒙古安全战略调整的基础，其“多支点”外交政策的实施为美蒙关系的突破发展注入了强心剂。美蒙政治、经济关系的不断发展并持续升温，特别是两国在军事领域内的密切合作对于中国的战略安全是一个危险的信号，将可能对我国国家安全产生巨大的挑战和压力。     

基于利益共享的中蒙经贸合作关系研究

中蒙经贸合作关系近年来持续升温,但两国在合作中存在着各自的利益诉求和障碍因素。同时,蒙古国丰富的矿产资源及有利的政治地缘优势,使得俄罗斯、美国、日本等国加快了与蒙古国合作的步伐。中国需要在理解、尊重蒙古国自身的利益诉求及其与他国相互关系的基础上,克服障碍因素,采取有效灵活的对策,促进中蒙经贸关系稳步发展。     

东北亚区域合作与发展国际研讨会综述

2008年9月27日,由吉林大学东北亚研究院、日本鸟取大学共同主办的以"蒙古国对外经济关系与东北亚区域合作"为主题的东北亚区域合作与发展国际研讨会在长春举行.来自中、日、韩、俄、蒙5国的37位学者做了大会发言,就蒙古国社会经济发展、对外经济关系以及蒙古国参与东北亚区域合作等问题展开了广泛、深入的交流和讨论.     

从战略视角看俄高层访蒙及俄蒙经贸关系

2000年末至2002年初不到一年半时间里，俄罗斯总统普京和总理卡西亚诺夫相继访问蒙古。他们表示，在俄罗斯对外关系优先方向中，蒙古国占有特殊地位；俄将发展与蒙古国的关系放在与亚洲国家关系的首位。俄与蒙加强关系的战略考虑是欲借同蒙重修旧好推动其东方外交，抵御美国在蒙古的继续渗透以及防范中国在蒙古的巨大影响。目前俄虽然在蒙古失去了昔日的优势及垄断，但俄在蒙积累起来的经济影响和非经济因素不容忽视。随着俄经济的迅速发展，蒙古在经济联系方面不排除向俄罗斯回归的可能。     

蒙古与大国关系的变化

近年来,蒙古与大国的关系日趋活跃。在蒙古与大国的关系中,美、日对蒙关系热络、俄蒙关系修复、中蒙经济关系加强是最受关注的动向。蒙与大国关系发生变化的原因在于:国际形势的剧变;大国重塑亚太安全结构的战略需要;蒙古地理位置的重要和蒙古自身改革的需要。这种变化的影响及于东北亚安全机制的塑造,乃至中国国家安全环境。     

Population, Prophets, Pensions, and Politics

As immigrant populations in Western welfare states grow at a faster rate than the native populations, whose birthrates have declined dramatically in recent years, Europe's tradition of democracy and tolerance is threatened. The reasons for the birthrate decline and the resultant aging of the native population are many and complex, but one important contributing factor is the pay-as-you-go pension system, which reduces people's immediate dependence on children. Moreover, the payroll and social security taxes that support the welfare state reduce the earnings capacity of men and women of the traditional age for having children, thus pushing down the birthrate. It is time to consider whether modern Europe's small-size families and high pensions are sustainable     

Terrorism,counter-terrorism,and critique: opportunities,examples, and implications

This article explores the parameters, value and limitations of different critical strategies for those dissatisfied with the contemporary politics of terror. It argues, first, that the prominent (counter-)terrorism paradigm – in which terrorism is approached as a ubiquitous and very specific security challenge meriting appropriately exceptional responses – is far more critiqued than we might anticipate. And, second, that such critiques – which can be found across political language, popular culture, everyday life, and beyond – employ distinct critical resources to serve varying ends. Reflecting on these, the article offers a new heuristic distinguishing five critical strategies which seek to: (i) repudiate; (ii) question; (iii) subvert; (iv) replace, or (v) deconstruct the prominent counter-terrorism paradigm. This typology, it argues, offers scope for optimism and strategic resources for those attracted to a critical terrorism studies project going forward.     

Norway,Spitsbergen, and America, 1905-1920

In the Spitsbergen treaty of 1920, Norway acquired sovereignty over the Spitsbergen Islands. Rather than Woodrow Wilson, the American president, the architects behind the treaty were Robert Lansing, Wilson’s secretary of state, and, behind the diplomatic scene, the mining investor, John M. Longyear. In 1906, Longyear established a mining company to exploit the coal deposits at Spitsbergen. He induced Congress, the State Department, and the White House to forge an American policy for the European Arctic, including the appointment of Lansing, an international lawyer, as a counsel in the State Department. Lansing was a leading expert on both international law and the lack of state authority at the terra nullius, Spitsbergen. In 1915, he became secretary of State and, at the Paris Peace Conference, decided American policy regarding the Spitsbergen question. This analysis shows how the outcome of the Spitsbergen question was a result of American mining interests, supplemented by Norwegian-American shared interests in conflict resolution based on international law.     

Pakistan,India, China,and the United States: Energy,Climate Change,and National Security

This article focuses on the interplay of energy, climate change, and national security issues in Southwest Asia, using the newer definition of “national security” to include energy security, economic development, and climate change, as well as traditional security focusing on the military aspects.     

Indigeneity,Ethnicity, and the State: Australia,Fiji, and New Zealand

This article draws on the politics of indigeneity to distinguish the claims of first occupancy from simple ethnic identity politics, illustrating that relative political marginalization in Australasia is not so much a function of minority status but of indigeneity itself. The politics of indigeneity's aim is to create political space for self-determination and a particular indigenous share in the sovereign authority of the nation-state itself. The Australasian states are compared with Fiji to demonstrate that the significance of historical constraints on political authority transcend the withdrawal of a colonial power and the restoration of collective indigenous majority population status.     

International relations in Malaysia: theories, history, memory, perception, and context

The article makes a preliminary survey of the teaching of internationalrelations (IR) in Malaysia. It starts by describing the originsof the field, and the emergence of an IR epistemic communityjoining both academia and government. This account is necessarilyderived from the experiences of the four most established Malaysianuniversities distinguished by length of existence and officialfavor. Subsequently, the survey would describe course contentand influences going into their design. The penultimate sectionswould attempt to place the evolution of Malaysian IR teachingwithin a historical context. This survey nonetheless concludesthat nationalist aspirations continue to remain a secondaryinfluence when compared with intellectual dependence upon theWest in the design of IR education in Malaysia. Received for publication August 28, 2008. Accepted for publication October 2, 2008.     

Culture,liberation, and 'development'

Most of the socio-economic changes taking place in Africa and much of the South are externally driven. External agencies, often in league with the State, by-pass working people and do not involve them in the decision-making processes. Their economic approaches ignore people's cultures and their world view. This denies working people a creative capacity to adapt new techniques and knowledge to their own concrete reality. This article argues for the importance of the historical frame of reference and for the centrality of culture in socio-economic processes. The author argues against approaches which are not culturally familiar to working people.     

The roles of,and relationships between,expatriates, volunteers,and local development workers

This article reports on exploratory research based on interviews with expatriate and local aid workers employed by local and international NGOs in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Thematic analysis of the interviews found that personnel were placed in groups based on their job category – consultant, volunteer, or permanent staff – regardless of experience. These categories logically reflect each worker's pay level, purpose, and role, but they may also have an implicit power meaning which reinforces group differences and inhibits inter-group relationships. Relationship building was reported to be the most important factor contributing to the success of capacity-development initiatives. Four sub-themes were identified: communication, friendship, reciprocal learning/teaching, and confidence.     

Negotiation,politics, and management

Book reviews in this article:
Samuel B. Bacharach and Edward J. Lawler , Power and Politics in Organizations: The Social Psychology of Conflict, Coalitions, and Bargaining .
Max H. Bazerman and Roy J. Lewicki , eds., Negotiating in Organizations .
Jeffrey Pfeffer , Power in Organizations .