共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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"社会主义核心价值观"中的"爱国、敬业",从道德维度看,体现了践行社会主义核心价值观要"明大德"的道德要求。"社会主义核心价值观"中的"文明、和谐、友善",从道德维度分析,体现了践行社会主义核心价值观要"守公德"的道德要求。"社会主义核心价值观"中的"诚信、友善",从道德维度看,体现了践行社会主义核心价值观要"守私德"的道德要求。其中,"友善"既关乎"公德",也关乎"私德"。"明大德""守公德""严私德"既统一于践行"社会主义核心价值观"之中,也统一于新时代道德建设的过程中,故而,践行社会主义核心价值观,需加强新时代的道德建设。 相似文献
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Richard Steinberg 《Society》1990,27(6):12-14
His recent articles include "Voluntary Donations and Public Expenditures in a Federalist System," "The Revealed Objective
Functions of Nonprofit Firms," "Economic Perspectives on Regulation of Charitable Solicitation," and "Profits as Incentives
within Nonprofit firms." He is currently working on a book entitled Regulating the Nonprofit Sectorand has begun research on perceptual models of choice that integrate psychology and economics. 相似文献
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Samuel Lipman 《Society》1990,27(6):4-6
Samuel Lipman is publisher of The New Criterionand music critic for Commentary.He has written widely on classical music as well as on contemporary painting. 相似文献
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《Critical Horizons》2013,14(3):380-406
AbstractAn examination of how, in literature, silence and veiling are related to moral significance. The paper emphasizes Walter Benjamin’s essay on Goethe’s Elective Affiniites and Nathaniel Hawthorne’s “The Minister’s Black Veil” and poses the question of how the literary can possess moral meaning or effect when, as in these two works, silence and veiling appear as a means of refusing or denying intention. Benjamin’s and Hawthorne’s different critiques of the symbol are presented as the central issue around which the possibility of moral meaning is decided as an intentionless act. Benjamin’s preservation of the moral is interpreted as the cause of the paradoxical and contradictory sources of the expressionless and its critical violence as well as the veiling and secrecy he identifies as forming the true work of art. Against this account, Hawthorne’s story is read as the refusal of any preceding secret as the basis of a moral claim and thus as the defining category of the work of art. 相似文献
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Gürcan Koçan 《Citizenship Studies》2006,10(3):349-372
Political hunger strikes have been part of the debates on human rights in many countries around the world. This paper explores the preconditions for and motives behind hunger strikes in Turkey by conceiving the hunger strikers as a part of citizenship politics through which strikers not only express their views against certain common issues, but also declare total opposition to an unjust condition within their political community. The paper focuses on the question of why some such “citizens” choose to participate in hunger strikes, which appears as an individual commitment to achieve a certain common objective. In doing so, the meaning of the experiences of hunger strikers and their universal right to live are elaborated in relation to their political and moral views. Hunger strikes are suggested to be seen as voluntary fasting, undertaken as a means of civil disobedience against an injustice within the context of citizenship. As examples of non-violent political acts, hunger strikes are not only part of citizenship politics but also expressions of commitment to achieving one's goals through non-aggressive means for the common good of all citizens. Moreover, they can also be considered examples of martyrdom/heroism because hunger strikers altruistically risk their life for a public cause. As a particular altruistic act, hunger strikes can also be viewed as an effective form of communication directed toward fellow citizens. Moreover, they are expressions of self-determination for having control over and for one's own life conditions. Finally, hunger strikes can be conceptualized as a struggle for transforming the configuration of structures and practices of citizenship about which one is passionately concerned. In this context, hunger strikes seem to be struggles for recognition in a relationship between two subjects, in which one subordinates the other. 相似文献
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司马云杰 《北京行政学院学报》2001,(2):63-67
一个国家、一个朝代的德,是其建立、维系、绵延与垂续的根本存在.以德为本,就是亲民、养民、保民,就是蓄大德以仁爱天下.自古有国有天下者,其兴衰治乱,嗣续绵延,未始不以德为本.惟建大德,立大本,方可绵延世泽,嗣续不已. 相似文献
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颜永赋 《湖南行政学院学报》2004,(6):77-78
领导干部的职责和地位决定了领导干部肩负着义不容辞的个人和社会道德建设责任。在全社会的公民道德建设过程中必须突出并首先抓好领导干部的道德建设。领导干部自身道德状况好坏和领导干部对公民道德建设重视程度直接关系到全社会公民道德建设好坏 ,公民道德素质和社会道德水准提高的重要前提是领导干部道德建设走在前面 ,以此带动社会和公民道德建设 相似文献
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本世纪40年代以来,人类从世纪环境破坏中认识到,任何一种巨大的力量,在它不受道德约束的条件下,非常容易被滥用,世界环境污染和生态破坏就属于这种情况。于是人们提出,由于人类拥有巨大力量,因而必须对大自然承担责任。正是在这种认识的基础上,产生了以生态道德为理论基础的生态伦理学。 生态伦理学,西方学术界又称为环境伦理学,是由法国哲学家、医生、诺贝尔和平奖获得者A·施韦兹和英国环境学家A·莱奥波尔德创立的。他们主张,把道德行为的领域从人与人、人与社会领域扩大到人与自然之间,人与自然应作为伦理学的一项基本… 相似文献
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Luis E. Lugo 《Society》2007,44(6):109-112
Americans are not as religiously divided on foreign policy questions as they are over such hot-button, culture war domestic
issues as abortion and gay marriage. Nevertheless, surveys suggest that Americans’ attitudes on several foreign policy fronts
are consistent with a religious worldview. This analysis draws primarily on the findings of various PRC polls to examine the
relationship between religion and three areas of foreign policy: the role of the USA in the world; the nature of international
obligations; and the morality of war.
相似文献
Luis E. LugoEmail: |
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《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):175-191
AbstractWhile much that is admirable in romanticism stems from Kant's philosophy, a better account of how sexuality can be an ethical possibility exceeds the cramped parameters that he imposes. His conception of marriage and its dependence upon a contractual exchange of rights may well be irremediable because of its formal emptinesses. His idea of human love as good will and an interest in the welfare of the beloved is defensible as far as it goes. But it does not go far enough to explain the morality of love, either in sexuality or in marriage. 相似文献
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