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1.
Abstract: In this article, the authors argue that workers' compensation policies in Canada should be made more accountable to elected governments. The changing nature of occupational risks has created a range of workplace injuries against which current workers' compensation programs do not adequately insure. The existence of workers' compensation alongside the other components of the social‐safety net may have created significant numbers of individuals who are either not receiving compensation when they should be or are receiving compensation when they should not be. The implication is that other programs bear some of the costs that should be borne by workers' compensation and, conversely, that some of the costs borne by workers' compensation should be borne by other social programs. These “gaps and overlaps” indicate that workers' compensation should be better integrated with the rest of the programs that make up the Canadian social‐safety net. The article concludes with a menu of reforms, including the establishment, through legislation, of a formal reporting relationship; changes to the composition and size of governance structures; the introduction of strategic planning; and the establishment of performance measurement processes. Sommaire: Selon les auteurs de cet article, les politiques concernant les accidents du travail au Canada devraient relever davantage des gouvernements élus. L'évolution des risques professionnels a Créé toute une gamme d'accidents du travail pour lesquels l'assurance des régimes actuels d'indemnisation est inadéquate. L'existence des régimes d'assurance contre les accidents du travail parallèlement aux autres éléments de sécurité sociale aurait pour effet de multiplier le nombre de personnes quisoit ne reçoivent pas de prestations lorsqu'elles devraient en recevoir, soit l'inverse. Par conséquent, d'autres programmes défraient certains des coûts qui incombent au régime des accidents du travail, tandis que ce dernier défraie des coûts imputables a d'autres programmes sociaux. Ces lacunes et chevauchements indiquent que le régime d'assurance contre les accidents du travail devrait être mieux intégré au reste des programmes qui constituent le filet de sécurité sociale au Canada. L'article propose une série de réformes, dont l'adoption légiférée d'une relation formelle de compte rendu, la modification de la composition et de la taille des structures de gouvernance, l'adoption de la planification stratégique, et l'établissement de processus de mesure du rendement.  相似文献   

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Challenges in distinguishing between core policy and operational decisions in the public policy process have spawned a legal grey area in Canadian public administration. Governments are immune from civil liability for policy decisions made by the cabinet yet they remain exposed to liability for operational decisions by public servants. We seek to raise awareness of this nexus within the Canadian public administration community by drawing on key interviews with lawyers, former attorneys general, a former premier, a former judge and a legal scholar. We explain that demarcating policy from operational decisions relies on written documentation that is difficult to locate and may not exist. Clarity is desired, but Canadian courts are reluctant to overrule a public authority’s opinion, which is based on socio-economic and political considerations. We conclude with observations for public administrators.  相似文献   

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Abstract: This article presents an in‐depth assessment of how performance measurement, public reporting, and internal performance management have been merged in Lethbridge, Alberta. Business‐unit managers and council members both share the view that performance measurement and reporting are useful and that performance information is credible. This finding contrasts with the more general view that performance information is not used much, despite widespread commitments to collecting it. In Lethbridge, a balance has been struck between performance measurement for management uses and council uses. The current system is driven by managers who share the view that performance measurement and reporting are useful for improving programs and providing information that can be a part of public accountability. If performance measurement is to add value in public‐sector organizations, it needs to have the continued support of managers – they are key to developing the measures, collecting the information and using it, and sustaining such systems. Changes that undermine the trust that is critical to a workable compromise for performance measurement, public reporting and performance management ultimately undermine the integrity of these systems.  相似文献   

4.
This article examines the compatibility between performance improvement and compliance‐based accountability in the implementation of a new system of public health performance management in Ontario. Findings from this mixed‐method study show that only minor elements of performance improvement get incorporated into pre‐existing compliance‐based accountability structures, that reinforcement of accountability structures works to the detriment of performance improvement intentions, and that limiting managerial influence in developing performance measures and targets diminish the utility of information for improvement. The study concludes that achieving a better balance requires an alternative to top‐down decision making that goes beyond consultation to include partnership.  相似文献   

5.
This article identifies basic shortcomings of traditional approaches to accountability and considers some of the reasons for the persistence of an approach that is known to: provide an inaccurate and distorted view of actual performance; inhibits rather than facilitates improved performance; and contributes to less rather than more confidence in government. The article then presents a vision of accountability more in keeping with the realities of public sector management in the twenty‐first century.  相似文献   

6.
Several Canadian and international scholars offer commentaries on the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for governments and public service institutions, and fruitful directions for public administration research and practice. This first suite of commentaries focuses on the executive branch, variously considering: the challenge for governments to balance demands for accountability and learning while rethinking policy mixes as social solidarity and expert knowledge increasingly get challenged; how the policy-advisory systems of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and United Kingdom were structured and performed in response to the COVID-19 crisis; whether there are better ways to suspend the accountability repertoires of Parliamentary systems than the multiparty agreement struck by the minority Liberal government with several opposition parties; comparing the Canadian government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the Global Financial Crisis and how each has brought the challenge of inequality to the fore; and whether the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated or disrupted digital government initiatives, reinforced traditional public administration values or more open government.  相似文献   

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Abstract: A non-profit accountability framework is developed from the broader academic literature, both within non-profit studies and beyond. The framework includes a comprehensive set of stakeholders that non-profits need to be accountable to, as well as resources to be accountable for. These stakeholders and resources are then contrasted on a matrix. Sommaire : Un cadre d'imputabilité pour le secteur à but non lucratif est élaboréà partir de la documentation. Le cadre inclut un ensemble exhaustif de parties prenantes auxquelles le secteur à but non lucratif doit rendre des comptes, ainsi que des ressources pour lesquelles il est imputable. Ces parties prenantes et les ressources sont alors mises en contraste sur un tableau.  相似文献   

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While academic interest in accountability and transparency mechanisms in Aboriginal governance has risen over the past few years, very few studies have examined how these mechanisms operate in practice. One author, Shin Imai ( 2007 ), argues that Indigenous groups in Canada are faced with an accountability paradox that gives too much power to the federal government to intervene in band affairs, while giving too little power to band members to hold their local officials accountable for their actions. This paper examines the extent to which Aboriginal groups can avoid this paradox by reviewing three experiments in institutional design and self‐government in Aboriginal communities: the Sechelt Indian Band and the Westbank First Nation in British Columbia, and Nunatsiavut in Labrador. While considerable variation exists in terms of how well these communities overcome Imai's paradox, each community's accountability regime is an improvement over the one imposed by the Indian Act. The effectiveness of these regimes depends heavily on the institutional designs chosen by the Indigenous groups.  相似文献   

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Abstract: This article offers a reappraisal of the conventional wisdom surrounding the understanding of governmental control of quasi-judicial regulatory agencies. Authors such as Hogget's and Schultz contend that such agencies exhibit serious deficiencies regarding such control, leading these agencies to be categorized as irresponsible. This article, through studies of major Ontario agencies, finds the conventional wisdom to be weak in explaining the power relations between the agencies and the Ontario government. An instrumentalist view of these relations is thus insufficient; rather, this viewpoint needs to be augmented with an administrative-cultural approach to fully understand the power relations at work. Sommaire: Cet article réévalue la sagesse conventionnelle entourant la perception du contrôle que le gouvernement a sur les organismes de réglementation quasi-judiciaire. Des auteurs comme Hodgetts et Schultz prétendent que les organismes de ce genre présentent des lacunes sérieuses au niveau dudit contrôe, au point qu'on peut les qualifier d'irresponsaliles. Dans cet article, qui se fonde sur des études d'organismes de première importance en Ontario, on relève des faiblesses au niveau de la sagesse conventionnelle pour expliyuer les relations de pouvoir entre les organismes ontariens et le gouvernemerit. Une vue instrumentaliste de ces relations est par conséquent insufisante; il faudrait la doubler d'une approche administrative et cultiirelle pour comprendre pleinement les relations de pouvoir qui s'exercent.  相似文献   

14.
Abstract: This article examines the meaning of accountability in the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador from both a substantive and a procedural perspective; the three distinct eras in the province's political administration history; the stages in the statutory evolution of the comptroller and auditor function; the province's experience in the Confederation era with the concept of democratic accountability; and the prospects for the future of accountability. The author reveals that the auditor's department or office went for most of a century with little in the way of institutional independence. Government has been hostile to both the extension of the accoutrements of legislative accountability in general and to the notion of increasing the powers of the auditor. What limited independence was mustered and the few challenges raised towards the government of the day were as a result of the professional ethics of Newfoundland auditors, the aid of other federal and provincial auditors, and the spirit of the age. Even in the modem day, Newfoundland has plenty more leeway for reform. The article presents four scenarios of alternative futures for accountability and the auditor general function in the province. One features no change, and the other three contemplate the victories of the independence lobby, the managerialist lobby, and the democratic lobby. Sommaire: Cet article examine la signification de l'imputabilité du gouvernement dc Terre‐Neuve et du Labrador simultanément selon une perspective de fond et une perspective procédurale, les trois périodes distinctes de l'histoire de l'administration politique de cette province, les étapes de l'évolution statutaire de la fonction de contrôleur et de vérificateur l'expérience de la province à 1'époque de la Confédération en ce qui conceme le concept d'imputabilité démocratique et les perspectives d'avenir de l'imputabilité. Les auteurs relèvent que le service ou le Bureau du Vérificateur a pendant près d'un siècle très peu connu d'indépendance institutionnelle. Le gouvemement a été hostile à l'extension de l'imputabilité législative en général, tout autant qu'à accroître les pouvoirs du Vérificateur. L'indépendance limitée et les rares défis soumis au gouvernement du jour ont résulté de l'éthique professionnelle des vérificateurs de Terre‐Neuve, de l'assistance d'autres vérificateurs fédéraux et provinciaux et de l'esprit de l'époque. Même en ces temps modernes, Terre‐Neuve a beaucoup plus de marge de manaeuvre pour entreprendre des réformes. L'article présente quatre scénarios d'altematives en ce qui concerne l'imputabilité et la fonction générale de Vérificateur dam la province. L'un ne prévoit aucun changernent et les trois autres entrevoient les victoires du lobby de l'indépendance, du lobby gestionnariste et du lobby démocratique.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract: The theme of this paper is that the proliferation of service-wide controls and the emphasis on conformity with centrally prescribed rules and policies have seriously damaged the free play of conscience and discretion in the value system of the federal civil service. Managerial behaviour, as a consequence, now responds excessively to accountability to others, defined as “dependent accountability,” and insufficiently to individual conscience, defined as “independent accountability.” The author deplores this direction in the culture of the federal bureaucracy and gives examples of how the dominance of conformity over conscience impedes productivity and erodes managerial morale. Sommaire: Selon cet article, la prolifération des contrôles au niveau des services et l'importance attachée à la conformité des règles et politiques édictées par les organismes centraux ont porté très sérieusement atteinte au libre jeu de la conscience et de la discrétion dans le système de valeurs de la fonction publique fédérale. En conséquence, le comportement des gestionnaires est trop conditionné par l'imputabilité vis-à-vis d'autrui, ce que l'on appelle “l'imputabilite dépendante”, et ne l'est pas assez par le contrôle de la conscience individuelle, “l'imputabilité indépendante”. L'auteur déplore cette orientation de la culture de la bureaucratie fédérale et montre par des exemples comment la suprématie de la conformité sur la conscience diminue la productivité et érode le moral des gestionnaires.  相似文献   

16.
This paper revisits the conventional notion of accountability rooted in bureaucratic and hierarchical structures of government and advances an alternative conceptualization more useful for analyzing complex horizontal network delivery systems. Although such systems are increasingly prevalent, they often exacerbate the problem of accountability in the public sector. By examining regional economic development policy implementation in Manitoba, this article illustrates the prospects and challenges of adapting conventional constructs of accountability to horizontal network delivery systems.  相似文献   

17.
问责是一个过程性概念,以责任确定为前提,而以责任追究为核心,其目的在于以追究失责的方式实现过程的控制。问责制引入现代大学制度体系是适应当代国内外高等教育发展、应对我国大学"单位化"弊端的必然要求。新建地方本科院校要摆脱单位或机关意识的束缚进而实现质的提升,必须建立现代大学制度,并将引入问责制作为体制转变的关键。  相似文献   

18.
Abstract: Establishing organizational boundaries to define responsibilities within government, along with clear lines of hierarchy, has shaped our machinery of government. Boundaries have been essential for defining distinct and specific roles for politicians and public servants. However, boundaries are creating a new world that opens up government to outsiders and increasingly calls for shared policy and administrative space within government. The policy‐making process within government is now much more horizontal, porous and complex, while decision‐making has become consultative. Boundaries have been affected by several factors, including the arrival of e‐government, the increasingly complex and interconnected nature of public policy issues, the rise of interest groups, and new organizational sites. The implications for political actors and public servants, for citizens and the concept of accountability, are far‐reaching. Sommaire: L'établissement de frontières organisationnelles pour définir les respon‐sabilités au sein du gouvernement, ainsi que les lignes hiérarchiques transparentes ont façonné notre appareil gouvernemental. Cela a été déterminant pour établir un espace distinct et prévoir des rôes particuliers pour les politiques et les fonctionnaires. Cependant, les frontières sont en train de céder la place à un nouveau monde qui ouvre le gouvernement aux agents extérieurs et exige de plus en plus le partage d'un espace politique et administratif au sein du gouvemcment. Le processus d'élaboration de politiques au sein du gouvernement est maintenant beaucoup plus horizontal, perméable et complexe tandis que la prise de décisions est devenue consultative. Les frontières ont été attaquées sur plusieurs fronts, entre autres par l'arrivée du gouvernement électronique, la nature de plus en plus complexe et interconnectée des questions de politique publique, la montée des groupes d'intérêt et des nouveaux sites organisationnels. Les implications pour les acteurs politiques et les fonctionnaires, pour les citoyens et le concept de reddition de comptes sont lour‐des de conséquences.  相似文献   

19.
新型行政问责文化的构建   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
当前,行政问责在制度上得以不断完善,但在文化建设上却相对滞后,影响到行政问责的进一步推进。因此,建设新型行政问责文化成为一项迫切的任务。新型行政问责文化应以民主法治、共同参与和官员道德自律为目标选择,用正确的理念、完善的制度和深入的教育引导、塑造、培养新型行政问责文化。  相似文献   

20.
Abstract: The article approaches the Canadian federal government's handling of the Al-Mashat affair in May and June of 1991 as a case study in direct administrative accountability. The author begins with a discussion of the main lines of political control under responsible government, writing as a partisan for the traditional doctrines of collective and individual ministerial responsibility. A number of questions emerging from this discussion are then posed as probes into the case: was an important minister effectively shielded; was blame ever allocated in a convincing way; were the criteria of natural justice respected in both internal actions and in the House of Commons' Standing Committee on External Affairs and International Trade; were democratic controls over political and administrative action respected? It is the author's conclusion that the government's strategy to deflect its accountability onto a senior career official and a political chief of staff failed on all these counts and several more, as well. Perhaps the most important of these is the politicization of officials. Another disturbing element that the case reveals is a willingness to arrogate new powers and liberties to the executive. Sommaire: Cet article examine la reaction du gouvernement fédéral Canadian dams I'af-faire Al-Mashed, en mai et juin 1991, pour faire une étude de cas fort intéressante sur I'imputabilité administrative directe. L'auteur discute tout d'abord des grandes lignes du contrôle politique du gouvernement responsible, du point de vue d'un partisan des doctrines traditionnelles de responsabilité ministérielle collective et individuelle. L'auteur arrive alors à un certain nombre de questions qui permitting d'explorer plus loin ce cas: un minister important a-t-il en fait été protég? Le blâime dans cette affaire a-t-il jamais été attribué de manière convaincante? Les critères de la justice naturelle ont-ils été respectés aussi bien dans le cadre des mesures internes qu'au Comité permanent de la Chamber des Communes chargé des affaires extérieures et du commerce international? Les contrôles déocratiques régissant les activités politiques et administratives ont-ils été appliqués? L'auteur en arrive à la conclusion que, à tous ces égards et sur bien dautres points encore, la stratégie suivie par le gouvemement pour rejeter ses respon-sabilités sur un haut fonctionnaire et sur un chef de personnel politique fut un échec. L'élément le plus important est peut-être la politisation des fonctionnaires. L'autre élément contestable revélé dans cette affaire est l'inclination à attribuer de nouveaux pouvoirs et Iibertés à 1'Exécutif.  相似文献   

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