利益集团与日本政治体制中的"三角同盟"--兼论日本结构改革难以推进的原因

本文主要考察了日本政治体制的特征,以及这一体制对日本结构性改革的影响.当前日本政治体制最突出的特征就是官僚、政治家(政党)和利益集团之间形成的"三角同盟"关系,这种关系实质上就是一种利益交换关系,而"族议员"则是这种"三角同盟"关系的缩影.这种政治体制使得日本的结构性改革难以推进,因此日本的结构性改革必须以政治体制的改革为前提,而政治体制改革的核心就是打破这种"三角同盟"关系.     

俄罗斯、中国和美国——从战略三角到后现代三角

战略三角关系已经不再适合理解当代大国关系。俄罗斯相对力量的下降,使得旧式的三角关系不复存在,取而代之的可能并不是一个"多极世界秩序",而是中美两极秩序。但与以往的两极秩序不同,中美两国未来与其他国家的合作将更加紧密,这将会导致一种具有明显的后现代特征的新型三角关系的产生。与战略三角关系不同,新型三角关系中的"第三方"既不是俄罗斯,也不会是其他大国,而是一个由众多的国家、多边组织和非国家行为体组成的正式或非正式的网络。以"后现代的三角关系"为主导的国际体系非常具有"民主化"的特征,是一个比历史上的各种三角关系更为平等、更可持续的新型三角关系。     

21世纪"中印俄"战略三角关系及其影响

本文认为,21世纪“中印俄”战略三角结构是一种新型的非结盟关系,并通过分析该战略三角关系的现状、潜在问题和发展前景,指出三角关系结构实际上是不对称的,会对国际关系格局产生一定的影响。     

中国—日本—东盟三角关系结构变化与东亚一体化前景

中国、日本和东盟是决定东亚一体化发展前景的三种主要力量;它们之间关系的发展变化,在一定程度上决定和制约着未来东亚一体化的模式选择.本文试图运用国际政治理论中传统的战略三角关系分析方法,探讨中国-日本-东盟三角关系的四种可能结构,从而展望在不同的结构下东亚一体化可能出现的四种模式.     

美印战略伙伴关系与中国:影响和对策

冷战结束以来,美印关系逐步迈上一个新的台阶.基于共同的利益和价值观,美印在经济和安全领域展开了前所未有的合作.美印战略伙伴关系对中国与这两个国家的关系将产生深远的影响.本文通过分析美国对中印关系和印度对中美关系的影响,以及中国与美印两国分别存在的共性和分歧,提出了中国在中美印战略三角关系中可采取的战略和政策.     

中美俄战略的异同

中美俄关系发展的历史过程可以分为以下几个阶段:第一阶段从二战结束后到苏联解体,其主要特征是苏美分割势力范围、相互争夺霸权.后来中苏发生分歧,中美接近,形成了中美苏大三角关系.     

东亚版本的韩国现代文学

一东亚论的文理“东亚论”视韩半岛为重要一环,其出发点是把东亚作为一个分析单位或者一个思维单位。①为什么要把传统的一国的单位扩大为一个区域呢?这是为了和平解决韩半岛的问题,谋求这个区域的长久安宁。韩国战争(1950～1953)以后,美国以日本为中心把南韩、台湾、南越连接起来构筑了东亚反共包围网。韩半岛的南北分界线也是这个网的一个结合点。以此线为界,北方三角同盟(朝、中、苏)和南方三角同盟(韩、美、日)形成势不两立的对立局势。但随着越南的统一(1975)、美国与中国的和解(1979),东亚的意识形态同盟关系开始进入解体阶段。苏联最…     

美中俄——新的战略三角关系

冷战中形成的中美苏战略三角关系,很大程度上是美中联合抗苏为特征的。冷战结束,随着苏联的垮台,中美苏三角关系亦一度不复存在。然而随着国际形势的发展变化,特别是中美俄彼此关系和各自国内形势的变化,作为世界上举足轻重的三个大国——中美俄之间逐步形成了新的三角关系,且有中俄交好共同疏远美国的色彩,颇为世人注目。     

日本对华高技术出口政策与中日关系探析

长期以来 ,日本对华高技术出口政策不是以经济利益为动因 ,而是受到种种非经济因素的影响 ,极大地制约了对华高技术出口和与中国经贸关系的发展 ,反过来又对政治关系产生了严重影响。本文描述了这一政策的演变和现状 ,试图从日本的对华外交战略以及日本处理中美日大三角关系的角度分析其根源 ,并展望了中日高技术合作的发展大势 ,提出了中国的对策建议。     

论美俄在伊朗核问题上的战略竞争与合作

伊朗核问题的出现为美俄的战略争斗提供了新的内容.美俄围绕伊朗的弃核问题展开激烈的竞争和有限的合作.美俄双方在伊朗核问题上的表现和作用最终取决于美俄伊战略关系.美伊敌对和美俄的战略冲突是主导这个战略三角的基本要素.由于美国在核问题上需要俄罗斯的支持,而伊朗需要把俄罗斯作为屏障来防范美国的压力,从而使得俄罗斯在这个战略三角中处在两边谋利的地位.     

新加坡2010年经济、政治、外交形势回顾与展望

本文对2010年新加坡国内经济、政治和外交做简单回顾。2010年,在全球经济复苏的良好环境下,新加坡的经济增长创其建国以来历史新高,是全球经济增长最快的国家;政治上,新加坡政府推出一系列措施确保社会稳定,为即将来临的总统和国会大选做好充足准备;在外交上,与马来西亚的关系得到新突破,与中国合作关系向多元发展。此外,本文还对2010年中国国内有关新加坡的学术研究成果进行简单介绍。     

"9·11事件"对东南亚伊斯兰文化圈的冲击

"9·11事件"对东南亚的最大影响之一,是使该地区政治与宗教的关系发生变化,两者之间的矛盾有可能上升为主要矛盾,影响该地区主要国家的社会政治稳定,进而危及该地区的和平与安全,还有可能改变地区政治格局.     

缅甸蒲甘王朝政权与教权(上座部佛教)的关系

缅甸已被公认是上座部佛教在东南亚传播的最早和最重要的基地,上座部佛教在缅甸社会和国家政治生活中起着举足轻重的作用。在古代,上座部佛教一直同王权保持着紧密的联系。政、教关系作为一种重要的政治关系,很大程度上反映着缅甸封建国家的政治发展状况。本文试对缅甸蒲甘王朝时期政权与教权(上座部佛教)之间的关系进行一番分析和探讨,理清其沿革发展的脉络,揭示缅甸蒲甘王朝时期政教关系的特点,为进一步探究缅甸整个封建社会时期的政教关系作些铺垫。     

New Conventions Required: Ideas to Re-invigorate Japanese Party Politics

Over the past 20 years, Japanese politics has changed significantly. There have been many improvements over the old LDP politics. At the same time, however, the rules of the game, which were predicated on the dominance of a single political party and on factional politics, have inevitably changed, and, in accordance with this situation, the conventions that prescribed the party-political order have fallen by the wayside. Given this situation, new conventions are now required that will make Japanese politics function. This article will discuss the most pressing topics: they are the appointment of the prime minister, the political cycle, bicameralism and party politics, intra-party governance, and the relationship between ministers and bureaucrats. These rules will not derive from new laws or institutions, but will be based on new conventions agreed to by the political parties. Political parties are to be the key actors in creating the new conventions, which should provide the rules of the game for Japanese politics.     

Australia and a Post-Brexit Britain

This article, based on the Robert Menzies Lecture delivered by the author in London on 31 October 2017, provides a survey of Britain and Australia’s bilateral relationship from the 1930s to the present. In the earlier period particular attention is given to the role of Sir Robert Menzies. The relationship is examined in the light of Britain’s accession to the EEC/EU with reference to bilateral trade, security and global politics, and migration, with emphasis on strong people-to-people links. The author expresses hopes for renewed co-operation over free trade, a rules-based world outlook and links between universities in a post-Brexit world. He argues that although the bilateral relationship went through some troubled times in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, it is now getting back to the natural strength that it deserves.     

Competing narratives and the social construction of reality: The GDR in transition

This article examines dominant ‘social constructions of reality’ which circulate in the world of ‘academia’. Its empirical case study is the former GDR in the transition from a Socialist state to a part of the Western democratic world, in general, and from a Soviet satellite to the smaller part of unified Germany, in particular. The article introduces the major narratives used to describe this process of transition, it shows the narratives’ ambivalent relationship to historical and empirical evidence and, finally, offers some conclusions about the impact of narratives on opinion formation and applied politics. It shows why certain narratives gained the ears of the ‘powerful’ whilst others were quickly and silently forgotten.     

Wedge Politics and Welfare Reform in Australia

The election of the Howard Government has marked a paradigm shift in welfare policy with the implementation of far reaching reforms around the concept of mutual obligation. At the same time, there has been media speculation about the Government's use of 'wedge politics' to sustain its political agenda with respect to welfare and other policies. Wedge politics, however, is yet to receive detailed analysis in Australian political science. We define wedge politics to be a calculated political tactic aimed at using divisive social issues to gain political support, weaken opponents and strengthen control over the political agenda. The purpose of this paper is thus twofold: to develop a definition of wedge politics and to investigate how the Howard Government's welfare reform agenda might be understood as an example of such politics, drawing out its longer-term implications.     

An Enigma that is South Asia: India versus the Region

The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is now 28 years old, yet its success is nominal. That more important bilateral issues are discussed on the sidelines of SAARC Summits proves the point. Intra-regional trade is still miniscule compared to the region's overall share in the world trade. The biggest defaulter is India, the most prominent member of the group. The purpose of this paper is first to raise the question whether South Asia qualifies to be called a region, and second to argue that, given the problems it faces with most of its neighbours, India is forced to conclude that SAARC matters the least for it. For economic and strategic reasons, India's interests lie in global networking and in a balanced relationship with China. Since Chinese military, diplomatic, and economic presence in South Asia poaches into India's perceived sphere of influence, India's interest in SAARC is limited to that context for otherwise it neither provides large markets for India nor does it contribute to India's strategic policy. Inversely, such a situation justifies India's neighbours playing the China card to bargain with India though that card its losing its value. To buttress our arguments we have drawn from the region's historical experiences as well as from recent developments in international and South Asian politics, including domestic politics.     

国际政治的社会进化:从米尔斯海默到杰维斯

本文将对国际政治的宏观历史和一个国际政治大理论的辩论进行社会进化论的诠释。文章指出,用单一大理论来解释国际政治历史失败的根本原因,在于我们一直试图用系统的、而非进化论的大理论去解释整个国际政治历史。通过揭示从进攻性现实主义世界到防御性现实主义世界进化背后的根本及辅助机制,文章指出:国际政治系统一直是一个进化的系统。因此,不同的国际政治理论来自并适用于国际政治的不同时期,不同的国际政治时代实际上需要不同的国际政治理论。国际政治应该成为真正的进化论科学,或"给达尔文应有的地位"。     

后冷战时代的失败国家课题

失败国家是后冷战时代世界政治中的一个突出课题 ,它对内造成了严重的人道主义灾难 ,对外则是世界和平与地区安全的重大隐患。本文对失败国家的内涵、研究价值、指向性特征、形成原因、相关的国际干预机制等等进行了初步的探讨。