美国东北亚政策的进攻性现实主义解读

以米尔斯海默为代表的进攻性现实主义是现实主义理论的最新发展,其从历史分析与理论论证的角度为美国的东北亚政策提出了"离岸平衡手"的解读与构想。然而朝核危机爆发后,美国的东北亚政策正朝着建立多边安全机制的方向发展,进攻性现实主义提出的"中国威胁论"也不攻自破。     

浅析俄罗斯东北亚政策中的文化因素

文化因素是影响俄罗斯东北亚政策制定的深层次因素。俄罗斯文化的基础是东正教和东方专制制度。俄罗斯的集权专制制度催生出农奴制、兵役制和村社制等制度 ,导致社会的分裂和集体主义、尚武精神的发展 ,进而为制定具有扩张性的东北亚政策提供精神准备。俄罗斯的文化起源于西方的东正教 ,形成于金帐汗国结束对俄罗斯的统治之后。面对西方文化 ,俄罗斯文化一直在自卑和自负的两个极端之间左右摇摆 ,这也是构成其东北亚政策中后方性和次重要性的主要原因。今天 ,东北亚地缘政治格局出现了史无前例的变化 ,俄罗斯的东北亚政策也必然不断变化。在这一变化过程中 ,文化因素依旧会发挥重大作用。     

U.S. Consolidates Its Position in Northeast Asia

Many believe that China and the U.S. have been struggling against each other to gain the upper hand in the East Asian region - and the area beyond China’s coastline - in recent years.     

美国对华军事政策的变化趋势——美《2008年中国军力报告》评析

通过解析美国<2008年中国军力报告>,并结合近年来美一系列对华军事动作和言论,可以看出,合作与防范同步加强已成为美当前对华军事政策的基本取向,这是诸多因素共同作用的结果.展望未来,美对华军事政策仍可能合作与防范并举,但更强调防范的一面.     

朝美和谈对东北亚格局的影响

2000年10月9日至12日,朝鲜国防委员会委员长金正日的特使赵明录次帅访美,双方发表了联合公报,同月的23日至25日美国国务卿奥尔布赖特访朝。朝美两国高级官员会谈不仅结束了1950年朝鲜战争爆发以来的两国敌对关系,同时也意味着仍然存在于东北亚的冷战格局开始走向解体。朝鲜半岛对峙的结束,预示着东北亚的力量组合将重新形成。     

从“重返”到“再平衡”——奥巴马政府第二任期的东南亚政策

美国总统奥巴马2009年上台后,对东南亚表现出浓厚的兴趣并高调"重返",推出了一系列加强在东南亚存在的举措。2013年连任后,他将在未来4年继续把东南亚作为"亚太再平衡"战略的着力点。同时,奥巴马政府意识到其东南亚政策也需要进行"再平衡",应放缓军事"重返"脚步,在经济、政治、安全等领域全方位投入,均衡化、长期化地推进东南亚外交。国内财政限制、中东等地区外交挑战和外交人员人事变动等因素会对美国新一届政府的东南亚外交有所制约,但其未来政策走向仍将对中国周边外交和中美关系产生持续影响。     

American Asia Policy and the U.S. Election

This article reviews post-Cold War U.S./Asia policy and its potential electoral impact even as the United States selects its future foreign policy leadership and course of direction. This essay is presented in three parts: the first focuses on the U.S. security architecture in the Asian region, a brief second section on the relevance of recent changes in regional political economy, and the third attempts to determine how this emerging economic-security model might dovetail with perceived American political interests at a time of national resolution.     

2004年美、日、韩3国的军事发展动向与东北亚政局

2004年在美国军事加快东移的背景下,日韩也采取了大肆扩充军备的政策。这不仅会在今后几年打破东北亚地区已有的相对军事战略平衡,引发军备竞赛的升级。同时,对该地区热点问题的解决也会带来直接影响,地区内国家间的相互猜疑和不信任会进一步增强。     

Why Not Invade North Korea? Threats, Language Games, and U.S. Foreign Policy

International relations theory has difficulty explaining how similar policies produce different outcomes. Iraq and North Korea have been identified as members of the "axis of evil" with weapons of mass destruction programs that threaten the United States. Yet in late 2002, the United States prepared to attack Iraq whereas it chose to negotiate with North Korea, even after North Korea admitted to a secret nuclear program in direct violation of its 1994 agreement with the United States. Moreover, a direct comparison with Iraq shows North Korea to possess the greater material capability to threaten the United States. I argue that a language-based constructivist approach can explain these differences in U.S. foreign policy where other theoretical approaches cannot. By examining the U.S. entanglement in intersected language games—the implementation of the 1994 Agreed Framework with North Korea and the enforcement of United Nations Resolutions in Iraq—it becomes possible to show how the United States could construct North Korea's nuclear program as a manageable threat that could be dealt with diplomatically.     

朝核问题与东北亚安全合作框架前景

朝核问题已呈现长期化趋势 ,为在建立东北亚安全合作新框架方面抢得先机 ,美、日、韩等国相应做出政策调整。美国加大了“谈”、“压”的力度 ,但尚未将朝鲜作为战略打击的主要对象。日本对朝政策向右摇摆 ,并寻求在建立东北亚多边安全框架方面发挥独自影响。韩国努力增加美韩联盟的平等色彩 ,谋求在解决朝核问题中发挥主导性作用。抓住朝核问题 ,推动建立东北亚“多极”主导多边安全合作机制 ,中国可以大有作为     

The Confluence of Domestic and International Interests: U.S. Policy Toward Cuba, 1998–2001

This article examines the confluence of forces at work to shape U.S. policy toward Cuba since the late 1990s. Our approach examines four key factors involved in policymaking toward Cuba in this period: (1) the entry of new interest groups into the Cuba policy process and an "entrepreneurial" Congress; (2) the executive's constitutionally based interests; (3) bureaucratic interests; and (4) pressure from outside the United States. We examine U.S.–Cuba policy by describing each determinant in isolation and then by looking at the dynamic interaction among them, showing how they are linked together. In doing so, we argue that an analysis including multiple factors better explains U.S. policy toward Cuba than one that focuses on a single factor such as the power of the Cuban-American community.     

Beyond Primacy: Hegemony and ‘Security Addiction’ in U.S. Grand Strategy

The George W. Bush administration embraced a particularly aggressive counter-terrorist and counter-proliferation strategy after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The “Bush Doctrine,” as it became known, reflects a “primacist” approach to grand strategy that aims not only to eliminate global terrorist networks and cowl rogue state proliferators, but also to dissuade potential near-peer competitors from challenging the American-centred international system. Critics expect that this ambitious approach to strategic affairs has become unsustainable in the face of the growing quagmire in Iraq. But “security addiction” in the post-9/11 environment has instead created conditions for a bipartisan consensus on the overall direction, if not the particular modalities, of “primacist” grand strategies. Despite the unpopularity of the Bush administration and significant American commitments to Afghanistan and Iraq, it is highly unlikely that President Barack Obama will heed calls for military retrenchment or strategic restraint.     

"9.11"后美国南亚政策的变化

在确定阿富汗塔利班政权为军事打击的目标后,美国对其南亚政策进行了大幅回调,将"扬印抑巴"改为"重巴顾印",在一定程度上扭转了美印关系急剧升温、美巴关系每况愈下的局面.随着反恐战争的进一步深入,如何平衡美印、美巴关系,将是摆在美国面前的棘手问题.     

关于反恐与美国对亚洲政策的几点思考

2001年“9.11”恐怖袭击事件后,美国政府对其全球战略进行了重大调整,将打击恐怖主义列为国家安全战略之首。与此相适应,美国对其亚洲政策也做出了一些调整,这其中包括:进一步加强了与日本、韩国、菲律宾等盟国的关系;扩大了在南亚地区的影响,在印巴之间开始推行平衡政策;改善了同中国的关系;增大了在中亚渗透的力度等等。但是,在另一方面,基于反恐需要美国对亚洲政策所作的调整也将面临一些新的问题和挑战,如果美国将反恐战争无限扩大化,其后果将是极为严重和危险的。     

The Growing Role of States in U.S. Foreign Policy: The Case of the State Partnership Program

States can and do play an important role in contemporary U.S. foreign policy. This article will discuss the growing role of states through an investigation of the State Partnership Program (SSP). The SSP pairs state National Guards with the militaries of other countries through U.S. military engagement programs. The state-level National Guard then becomes the primary site for implementing U.S. military engagement programs. Both a federalism and decision-making perspective, however, are unable to recognize this role. The decision-making bias of foreign policy analysis affords states a limited international role and minimal influence in shaping the policies of the government toward other countries. An implementation perspective, however, reveals a growing role of states carrying out U.S. foreign policy, including the "high politics" of national security issues. States give decisions meaning through the practice of policy implementation. A detailed case study of the Maryland–Estonia partnership illustrates how an implementation perspective can recognize a growing role of states in shaping U.S. foreign policy.     

霸权·制度·战略——读《霸权之翼:美国国际制度战略》

二战结束,特别是冷战结束以来,美国在世界权力结构的优势地位更加明显,美国霸权的神奇性色彩愈发突出.然而,对于美国霸权在世界政治转型中所出现的新变化,已有的霸权理论模式("霸权稳定论"、"霸权周期理论"、"霸权转移论"等)未能做出迅速而有效的解释,国际关系学界有必要对此而为之.中央党校国际战略研究所门洪华博士新近完成的<霸权之翼:美国国际制度战略>(以下简称<霸权之翼>)一书,[1]就是上述有益探索中的一种尝试.     

主权财富基金的兴起与美国金融霸权

主权财富基金在全球范围内的兴起正成为国际金融领域令人瞩目的重大事件。本文在简要分析该基金相关内容的基础上,着重探讨它与美国金融霸权之间的关系,包括其背后的美国因素、对美国金融霸权的影响以及美国的应对等。本文认为,主权财富基金的大规模出现是主权国家对美国过分推进金融自由化的一种必然反弹,是经济全球化遭遇的一种政治后冲。只要美国不停止其对金融霸权红利的过度享用,该基金就会对美国的金融霸权形成挑战,并越来越成为国际金融体系的重要组成部分。     

美日同盟的转型与东亚安全秩序的建构

美日同盟是冷战时代的产物,在冷战中发挥了反苏反共的重要作用。冷战结束后,美日同盟在国际社会的角色转型、性质定位正逐步发生演变,并出现日益强化的趋势。冷战后时代,美日同盟的调整对东亚安全秩序产生了重要影响,一方面,它遏制和防范中国的发展;另一方面,它在一定程度上发挥了制衡作用,有利于防止东亚地区危机的爆发。以美日同盟为核心的东亚安全秩序并不利于东亚地区的和平与稳定,因此,要构建良性的东亚安全秩序,必须把以美日同盟为核心的美国同盟体系和作为新兴大国的中国并重,协调处理东亚安全事务。     

金融危机与美国经济霸权:历史与政治的解读

对于当前金融危机的成因及其对美国经济霸权的影响,国际、国内意见纷呈.本文试图以历史和政治视角,从解剖实力与霸权这对概念入手,分析美经济霸权的现状和前景.文章从时空条件、发展空间、国际信誉、支配渠道、军事拉动等五方面进行论证,认为此次金融危机是冷战后美各种矛盾累积并发的结果,美经济霸权陷入某种"结构性衰弱".但因其经济实力尤其是综合国力依然强劲,断言美从此走向衰落还为时尚早,美未来命运很大程度上取决于奥巴马变革.