Apparence et réalité du pouvoir de représentation des provinces à Paris L'exemple des Etats provinciaux du Nord au XVIIIème siècle

SUMMARY

In this article, Marie-Laure Legay has examined the relations of the Provincial Estates on the north-eastern border of France—Flanders, Artois and le Cambrésis—with the central government. It shows that they did not waste energy disputing the tax demands of the crown, their right to assent to taxation had been reduced to a formality and they voted them without debate. But they then used direct representations through the delegations they sent to Paris, which usually resulted in some concessions being made by the crown. Similarly the Estates did not engage in formal assertions of their autonomy, but the full-time agents they hired in the capital processed a flow of remonstrances and petitions to the agencies of the central government. Thus instead of resisting the movement towards increased centralization of authority, they used it to pursue local advantages. In this way, the Estates were able to purchase the right to make appointments to local offices, while they repeatedly bypassed the Intendant, lobbying successfully for the transfer of many of his areas of competence to the Estates. This pragmatic strategy of working with the system, rather than opposing it was pursued consistencly down to 1789.     

Pouvoir royal et représentation provençale du XVIIème au XVIIIème siècle

SUMMARY

This paper examines assemblies of the clergy in early modern Castile and France. It provides a short overview of the representative nature of these assemblies, their functions, and their power over the ecclesiastical purse strings. In the process it argues that, in addition to secular representative institutions, historians need to take a closer look at ecclesiastical assemblies in order to understand politics, finance and representation in Catholic polities.     

Les députés du Territoire d'Otrante au parlement napolitain de 1820–1821

SUMMARY

In this article, Éric Anceau examines the coup d'État of 2 December 1851, which was carried out by the President of the French Republic at the time, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, against the Legislative Assembly. By viewing the coup from the parliamentary side and by using the method of prosopography, the author reevaluates an apparently well-known period, while refraining from partisan judgements and hasty generalizations. In the first part, the author analyses the immediate and contrasted reactions of the 741 parliamentarians to the coup. He then describes their negotiations and alignments. He finally shows the consequences for the parliamentarians of their different attitudes towards the coup: active support, acceptance, total abstention (a stance chosen by approximately a fifth of them) or outright resistance. In fact, Éric Anceau shows the great variety of their responses. Nevertheless he underlines the undecided, wait-and-see and pragmatic attitude chosen by most of the representatives. He concludes by mentioning the long-lasting consequences of the coup on the relationship between the new regime and the former Assembly representatives.     

Les députès du centre aux origines de la Troisième République française

SUMMARY

In this article Lothar Höbelt compares the political role of the Liberal parties in the Hohenzollern and Habsburg empires after 1867. Both started from a similar position, by granting a retrospective indemnity to their governments for their unconstitutional actions prior to 1866, in the expectation of reinstating constitutional government in which they would have an active role. The article then analyses the reasons why, by 1879 these expectations had been disappointed, but this led to different outcomes in the politics of the two empires. In the Hohenzollern empire, the Liberals eventually split permanently into a party of National Liberals, prepared to cooperate with government, and a progressive wing that tended to be in opposition. In the Habsburg empire, the Liberals remained united in a largely unsuccessful attempt to enforce parliamentary responsibility on the government. It is then shown how this outcome relates to the different ethnic and political structures of the two empires.     

Connaissance de l′ Occident—Les échanges culturels entre la Chine et la France durant la première moitié du XX~e siècle

此文是对 2 0世纪上半叶法国文化在中国的传播和接受过程的总体回顾。作者结合现代中国的特殊历史背景 ,着重论述了五四运动和《新青年》杂志、留法勤工俭学运动、中法大学等历史事件和相关人物对传播法国文化所起的作用 ,并介绍了这个时期法国思想和文学在中国的译介情况。     

L'invention de la décentralisation. Noblesse et pouvoirs intermédiates en France et en Europe XVII-XIXe siècles

SUMMARY

Following the 57th Conference of the ICHRPI/CIHAE held in Paris in September 2006, a linked conference took place in Lille on 7–9 December 2006 on the theme of ‘The Invention of Decentralization: Nobility and Intermediate Powers in France and in Europe from the 17th to 19th centuries’. The underrepresentation of speakers on the nineteenth century and the absence of some communications on Spain meant that the main thrust of the papers was on early modern Europe, with particular emphasis on France, the Netherlands, the Habsburg lands and Poland. Among the conclusions that emerged was the notion that the role of the nobility in intermediate state bodies or institutions was an institutional reflection of a social reality, prefiguring what happened in the nineteenth century. In France, the provincial vocation of the nobility developed fully between 1750 and 1850. The proceedings of the conference will be published, but in the meantime the editor offers her summing up of the papers.     

Il n’y a pas de question idiote? Les questions des députés européens à la Commission européenne et au Conseil depuis 1979

ABSTRACT

This article analyzes questions from the European parliament (EP) to the Commission and Council of Ministers of the European Union (EU). The exponential increase in the number of questions since the first direct election of the EP in 1979 is testimony to the changing pattern of inter-institutional relations in the EU and to the growing involvement of the EP in a variety of policy areas. At the individual level, the members of the EP strategically use questions either for the purposes of specialization or in order to connect with their voters. Analyzing parliamentary questions is therefore relevant for a better understanding of representation in a supranational setting.     

Voyage chez France culture:à la découverte des spécificités et de la notion de culture

本文通过对一电台节目——“法兰西例外”(Exception francaise)的时间构成、题目内涵、音乐效果和主持风格的分析,试图把握法国文化电台所体现的文化宗旨和由此而见的法国文化政策。     

Du système des bureaux au système des groupes et des commissions. Le règlement parlementaire italien de 1920 et la doctrine constitutionnelle*

An attempt to explore the scope of Italian parliamentary reforms in 1920 in the context of the transition from a traditional constitutional culture to a new model of political representation is presented. The workings of Parliament were ‘temporarily’ established in 1848, when a system of ‘bureaux’ was adopted which was to last until 1920. They were distributed among members by lot. Preliminary discussions took place in these ‘bureaux’, which then nominated a commission with the responsibility to present its work to the Assembly. This system related to the concept of representation according to which each deputy freely represented the entire nation. By contrast, the 1920 reforms proposed to organise this by means of commissions whose membership mirrored the proportional weighting of political groupings to which all deputies had to belong. This regulation complemented earlier electoral reforms which, following the introduction of male mass suffrage, favoured the presence on the political scene of modern parties. As a result of this new parliamentary regulation and in spite of resistance based on constitutional tradition, the political parties, now part of political life, moved to the heart of the institutional life of the state.     

Repraesentatio identitatis : l’idée de représentation politique en débat dans la République de Genève lors de la crise de 1707

In the Republic of Geneva, the Small Council and the Great Council considered themselves to be representative of the people, although they were not elected by citizens, but were mutually co-opted instead. There were still elections by the General Council, the assembly of all burgesses and citizens, but they were only meant to promote the members of these co-opted councils to particular magistracies. During the political crisis of 1707, government thinkers tried to justify in theory this conception of representation, which is similar to what the German legal philosopher Hasso Hofmann called repraesentatio identitatis. For them, the Small and the Great Councils were inherently representative of the people owing to their large numbers and their concern for the public interest. The main thinkers of the ‘popular party' not only rejected this argument, but also advocated an alternative political model, with a redistribution of powers between the Councils and the restoration in practice of the sovereignty of the General Council, which it should directly exert. On either side, no project of representative government – in the sense that the Small and the Great Councils would be elected by the people – was ever put forward in these debates.     

La rémunération des députés aux États généraux de France et son incidence institutionnelle

SUMMARY

In 1814, after the defeat of the Napoleonic Empire, the Allied states decided to unite the former Dutch Republic and the former Habsburg Netherlands (the later Belgium), as part of their attempt to elaborate a balanced system of European states. As the age of nationalism was arriving, the chances of this unification succeeding depended upon the gradual integration of the two parts into one Netherlandish nation. Stefaan Marteel argues that the eventual failure of this project, which abruptly came to an end with the Belgian Revolution of 1830, can to a large extent be ascribed to the differences in the political and intellectual history of the two countries, differences that found expression in the development of irreconcilable political languages during the constitutional debates of 1815 and thereafter. In the Northern Netherlands, despite the experiments with radical constitutionalism since the Patriot Revolution, the republican past proved a major obstacle to the construction of a functional constitutional monarchy. The paradoxical result was the enforcement of monarchical authority within a political model that was clearly designed to be constitutionalist. In the Southern Netherlands, on the contrary, the rupture that occurred in its political history owing to the annexation of France allowed, in 1814, for certain innovations in political thought. These innovations were further inspired by the idea that the new political order lacked historical legitimization. Consequently, when social issues arose, such as problems concerning education, religion and public freedom, the government and the political opposition in the Belgian provinces would persistently draw on different interpretations of the constitution. This, in turn, reinforced the impression of a fundamental national division, and created the conditions, should a popular revolt occur, for a rapid radicalization in a nationalist direction.     

Les États de Provence en 1788 et 1789: représentants et représentés dans une province française à la veille de la Révolution

SUMMARY

In this article Monique Cubells has examined the special case of the Estates of Provence, which had been suspended in 1639, but restored in their original form in 1787. The structure of the Estates is analysed to show how none of the three Estates was representative of its Order, since all the deputies sat by virtue of status or function and none were directly elected to the Estates. There was the further feature that the Estates of Provence voted by head, not by Order, a position that was fiercely defended in Provence by the same people who would bitterly resist it when applied to the Estates General of 1789. In Provence, the arrangement meant that the Clergy and the Nobility easily outvoted the Third Estate, in addition to which several members of the Third Estate were nobles. Thus the Estates of Provence were not, and had never been representative even of the ruling elites, much less of the wider society. The article then examines the growing public debate in Provence after 1787 in which pamphlets and public meetings demanded changes to introduce the principle of representation, based on natural right, reason and justice. But when Louis XVI decreed a uniform electoral system for the Estates General of 1789, the issue of representation in Provence faded into the background. The abolition of the Estates of Provence, in consequence of the vote of 4 August 1789 then aroused only minor protests.     

Enjeu culturel de la presse écrite —— la comparaison des reportages franais et chinois sur les activités des dirigeants d′Etat

我国报纸近年来随着社会需求和自身的市场化运作,领导人活动报道质量有所提高,但在报道形式上与西方发达报纸相比仍然存在很大的差异。本论文采用社会学的实证研究方法,系统比较了中法两国关于胡锦涛访法事件的相关报道,分别选取了两国具有代表性的三份报纸,采用定量研究方法从八个方面展开文本分析比较,并初步总结了中法两国报纸对领导人活动的不同报道模式。在此基础上,本文试图挖掘出现差异的深层原因。     

Les Cortes et le Parlement au Portugal. 750e anniversaire des Cortes de Leiria de 1254: Congrès International, 26–28 novembre 2004—Leiria

SUMMARY

The Scottish Parliament, established in 1999, was to be a novel type of parliament and to herald a ‘new politics’. While it was inevitable that the Scottish parliamentary model would inherit some of the features of the Westminster system, one of the major parliamentary models in the world, Home Rulers insisted on the Scottish Parliament's need to adopt novel procedures and principles right from the start to keep it from becoming a ‘Westminister’. An analysis of Scottish Home Rule discourse in documents from the late 1980s and the 1990s shows that at the time, Westminster was constructed as an ‘anti-model’. This article establishes in what respects Westminster was an anti-model for the architects of the Scottish Parliament and describes the ideal parliamentary model which they defined. It then considers whether the Scottish model as it exists today conforms to their expectations. The case presented here is that the Scottish parliamentary system is indeed different from the British system in several fundamental respects, such as the fact that it is more committee-based and less executive-oriented, but that it is closer to the Westminster model than has been acknowledged, and that in some respects, the Scottish Parliament has moved towards that model by adopting typically British modes of functioning. Some characteristics of the Westminster system which it has integrated are the Presiding Officer's power to have a casting vote or, more controversially, the way the executive is held to account, through adversarial Question Times. The Scottish Parliament is thus neither a mini-Westminster nor an anti-Westminster: the Scottish parliamentary model is a hybrid of the West European and the Westminster models.     

Connaissance de l′Occident— Les échanges culturels entre la Chine et la France durant la première moitié du XX^e siècle

此文是对20世纪上半叶法国文化在中国的传播和接受过程的总体回顾.作者结合现代中国的特殊历史背景,着重论述了五四运动和<新青年>杂志、留法勤工俭学运动、中法大学等历史事件和相关人物对传播法国文化所起的作用,并介绍了这个时期法国思想和文学在中国的译介情况.     

Une réflexion sur la finalité de l’enseignement du franais 2~e langue étrangère en prenant appui sur le Cadre

随着中法两国的交流日益密切,社会对法语人才的需求在质量和数量方面都有了提高,而既有专业又懂外语的学生尤其受青睐。因此开设大学第二外语的学校越来越多,各校的教学目标、内容、理念及模式也发生了很大的变化。本文试图结合欧盟语言能力分级参照标准,从语言和文化两个方面,思考大学法语(第二外语)的教学目的。