Hong Kong: country profile

In the 1840s, the small fishing community that is now Hong Kong became a British colony and an important naval base for the Opium Wars. Now it is a leading capitalist center operating on mainland communist China. Hong Kong is scheduled to go back to China in 1997. In the agreement signed between the British government and China, Hong Kong's present lifestyle is guaranteed for at least 50 years. Textbook colonialism rules here. Foreigners hold the key jobs and earn much more than do the indigenous people. They even receive subsidized housing in this very high rent colony. As for the Hong Kong Chinese, overcrowding into 2 room apartments is the norm even though the government tries to provide more housing units. The large skyscrapers in the New Territories breed their unique social and mental health problems, such as poverty, drug abuse and frustration. Essentially all food is imported from communist China, yet agriculture in Hong Kong does exist--pig farms, duck lakes, and fields of the popular vegetable choi sum. Major industry comprise textiles and sweat shops which pay their workers (mostly illegal immigrants and children with no legal protection) wages that are 1/4 of those paid in Great Britain. Financial services, trade, and tourism may soon dominate Hong Kong's economy. Almost 4 million tourists visit Hong Kong yearly, often looking for bargains. Despite Hong Kong's active Western-like business climate, Chinese culture still abounds. Traditional incense burns in Buddhist temples. Snake soup is served in restaurants. Plus traditional medicine practiced alongside Western medicine contributes to Hong Kong having 1 of the lowest infant mortality rates in the world (9/1000) and to its high life expectancy of 76 years.     

Intermediation environments and election in Hong Kong

The new Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) held its first election in 1998. Based on data from a post‐election survey, this article charts the pattern of intermediation environments and their impact on electoral participation. An intermediation environment is a network of communicating information or points of view. This study focuses on the environments of primary social networks, secondary associations and the mass media. They are found to be influential in the diffusion of political knowledge and in mobilizing electoral participation. However, the majority of Hong Kong citizens are unembedded in these environments, thereby carrying negative implications for the democratic transition in Hong Kong.     

Explaining mass support for democracy in Hong Kong

This article aims to identify the main causal factors that underlie the overall levels of mass support for democracy in Hong Kong in the light of two approaches of comparative politics. Using a common questionnaire in 2003, 2005, and 2008, analyses of their results reveal a more or less stable level of support by Hongkongers for democracy. Viewed from the perspective of a mass values approach, post-materialism and respect for authority are found to be consistently statistically significant factors in explaining the support across the three years. The future prospects for Hong Kong will thus in part rest on the future trends of post-materialism and respect for authority. Viewed from the perspective of a perceived performance approach, both perceived economic and political performance are found to have consistently exerted a causal effect on mass support for democracy. Thus, any attempt to suppress the popular demand for democracy by offering only economic sweeteners will not, it is argued, be enough. Also, the democrats’ ability to shape the public's perception of the performance of democracy is pivotal to raising mass support. However, it is shown here that the lack of relatively strong support among younger and more educated people in Hong Kong casts a pall over the prospects for Hong Kong's democratic development. Finally, the theoretical implications of the theory of post-materialism and the Asian values debate are discussed.     

迪拜与香港现代化比较

迪拜与香港均是世界著名的贸易、金融、旅游和物流中心,二者在战略地理位置、近现代史和发展现代化的历程等层面有很多相似之处。迪拜和香港的现代化进程都受到英国殖民统治的影响;凭借优越的地理位置,它们都从一个小渔村发展成世界著名的港口;移民为它们的经济建设做出了巨大贡献;转口贸易都曾是其经济结构中最重要的构成部分;目前服务业都是其经济构成中占比最高的部门。在发展现代化的道路上,二者都有值得相互借鉴的经验和教训。     

印支难民与香港“第一收容港”政策

1979年日内瓦国际印支难民会议上,英国代表香港承诺作为印支难民的"第一收容港",给予出逃的印支难民以临时的庇护,等待西方国家的再安置。港英政府不折不扣地将这一政策执行了近20年。直到特区政府成立后,才于1998年1月正式取消这一政策。造成越南难民和船民问题滞留香港多年的原因是多方面的,既有国际社会层面的因素,也有英国及港英政府方面的原因。越南难民和船民问题,带给香港的最大启示是怎样在人道主义与内部利益冲突中找到一个平衡点。     

东南亚华商在香港的经济活动分析

香港一直是东南亚华商投资与从事商贸活动的中心,也是东南亚与中国大陆进行经贸联系的中介,1980年代以来,香港更成为东南亚华人企业投资中国的桥梁。二战后,东南亚华商在香港的投资额越来越大,东南亚华人资本已成为香港经济的重要组成部分。尽管东南亚金融危机对东南亚华商在港企业造成了大冲击,但是大多数华人在港企业还是克服困难,度过了难关。     

Eisenhower, the British and the security of Hong Kong, 1953-60

This article is an examination of Hong Kong's importance within British-American security arrangements in the Far East during the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower. Archival evidence indicates that the Eisenhower Administration accepted a greater deal of commitment to the defence of Hong Kong during the 1950s — a period of significant hostility between the United States and the People's Republic of China. To understand this policy evolution in the broader context, this study evaluates the differences in British and American attitudes towards China during the 1950s and the effect of this on US policy towards Hong Kong.     

Between Liberal Autocracy and Democracy: Democratic Legitimacy in Hong Kong

The partial democracy in Hong Kong is an experiment with limited suffrage in a liberal, self-governing society. This article examines the impact of system dissatisfaction and fundamental cultural values on democratic legitimacy, using logistic regression analyses of data drawn from an electoral survey in 2000. It is found that widespread public dissatisfaction with the economic downturn has not been generalized to the abstract, structural level of regime legitimacy. Equally widespread discontent with the political situation matters; but it has strengthened public support for democracy, rather than weakened it. Finally, democratic legitimacy is grounded in liberal, post-material and individualist-competitive values. In recognition of the plausible durability of these fundamental cultural norms and in view of the relative lack of support for non-democratic alternatives and strong support for partial electoral reform, we conclude that Hong Kong is very likely to remain on track toward a fuller democracy by incremental steps.     

Democratization and decline of trust in public institutions in Hong Kong

The article examines the considerable literature on the relationship between sustainable development and democracy beginning with an exploration of the concepts. Various models have been put forward to describe this relationship and these can be viewed as various pathologies of development that may trap the unwary. Participation and empowerment are seen as a key to sustainable development by many authors, although there are widely differing interpretations of what this should mean. The search for people's empowerment has centred on moves towards decentralization and the strengthening of civil society. Decentralization has proved extremely difficult to implement in practice and having civil society act as a balancing mechanism to the power of the political elite has often proved to be no less illusory. Political participation is no guarantee of sustainable development as local and national elites will inevitably try to hijack the process. Whilst there is no strict correlation between democracy and sustainable development some items in the democratic package are capable of being prioritized and can help build sustainable development, in particular transparency in the management of resources, protecting human rights and encouraging social participation.     

Hong Kong and Macao in transition (I): Debating democracy

Hong Kong returns to Chinese sovereignty on 1 July 1997 and Portugal terminates its administration of Macao, handing over to China, on 20 December 1999.’ The unprecedented circumstances when two European colonies are decolonized, not into independence but the embrace of the last effective communist state in the world, have raised considerable anxieties about the future of democracy there and the rights and freedoms of their inhabitants. Unlike other colonies, the acquisition and administration of Hong Kong or Macao was accomplished without any significant coercion of the local population. In recent years both have enjoyed a high degree of personal liberties, while also achieving high levels of economic development. However, neither has experienced any measure of democracy defined in terms of representation of the people in government or the accountability of the state apparatus. Consequently an examination and explanation of the extent of democracy that will be established there after their reversion to China should help illuminate the debate about the relevance of democracy to rights and freedoms and to economic development.     

Hong Kong and Macao in transition (II): Exploring the new political order

The first part of the article focused on democratization and the main issues at stake between China, Britain, Portugal, Hong Kong and Macao as the responsibility for the two colonies reverts to the mainland. It was argued that their separate history and their respective metropolitan traditions will weigh heavily on the prospects for any phased transition to democracy. Of more immediate importance, however, is the current balance of forces within the region which affects them both, particularly their relationships with a China undergoing vast social and economic changes with profound implications for their own future political development. In this second part of the article there is more concern with current and future problems affecting the practice of democracy in Hong Kong and Macao, particularly the ways in which the new Basic Laws might operate in practice after 1997.     

香港、深圳和新加坡产业发展的比较与借鉴

香港位于我国东南沿海,与深圳特区相邻,是远东地区的海空交通运输要冲和我国内地对外经济贸易往来门户;深圳位于我国珠江入海口,毗邻香港,有着广阔经济腹地,是我国对外联系的门户;新加坡位于马来半岛南端,地扼太平洋和印度洋的交通咽喉,是东南亚海岛型城市国家。分析和总结这3个极具代表性的沿海港口城市或城市岛国的产业演变的轨迹和经验,将会对其他沿海港口城市的发展有一定的借鉴意义。一、香港、深圳和新加坡产业的演变1.香港香港在开埠前,曾是不显眼的小渔村,属海岛型渔农社会。开埠后,凭着优越的地理位置和天然良港,成为亚太区域著名…     

Red Star Ascending, Flagging Union Jack: Soviet Views on the Handover of Hong Kong

On 22 September 1982, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher met the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping in Beijing, where they discussed the future of Hong Kong. The meeting did not go well. Deng made it clear that, with or without British cooperation, China would resume full sovereignty and administration over the tiny colony when the lease on Hong Kong expired on 30 June 1997. This article is based on two recently released documents from the Russian Foreign Ministry Archive (AVP RF) and reveals the hitherto unknown Soviet attitude toward these talks and the handover itself. Soviet leaders were very concerned that the Chinese should not consider Soviet control over vast territories in the Far East as based on unequal, hence illegitimate, nineteenth century treaties, as they did British control over Hong Kong. If those Russian treaties were unequal, then Soviet rule would be in grave danger. The Soviets sought to distinguish their treaties from the British ones. Seeking normal relations, the Chinese agreed not to challenge this interpretation.     

Red Star Ascending,Flagging Union Jack: Soviet Views on the Handover of Hong Kong

On 22 September 1982, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher met the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping in Beijing, where they discussed the future of Hong Kong. The meeting did not go well. Deng made it clear that, with or without British cooperation, China would resume full sovereignty and administration over the tiny colony when the lease on Hong Kong expired on 30 June 1997. This article is based on two recently released documents from the Russian Foreign Ministry Archive (AVP RF) and reveals the hitherto unknown Soviet attitude toward these talks and the handover itself. Soviet leaders were very concerned that the Chinese should not consider Soviet control over vast territories in the Far East as based on unequal, hence illegitimate, nineteenth century treaties, as they did British control over Hong Kong. If those Russian treaties were unequal, then Soviet rule would be in grave danger. The Soviets sought to distinguish their treaties from the British ones. Seeking normal relations, the Chinese agreed not to challenge this interpretation.     

Making Hong Kong Chinese: State Nationalism and its Blowbacks in a Recalcitrant City

Abstract

Drawing from the literatures on strategic identity shift and on signaling, this article examines the strategies used by Beijing to impose its monist brand of state nationalism on Hong Kong. Given the nominally high degree of autonomy granted to Hong Kong, Beijing has been unable to impose its nationalism directly from above. Instead, it has made use of cooptation strategies so as to cultivate increasingly vocal and influential loyalist circles among local elites, who have promoted state nationalism from within. This logic, this article argues, has led many among Hong Kong’s political elite to compete in expressing an increasingly overt Chinese nationalistic posture as a way to signal loyalty to Beijing. These strategies have however backfired, raising doubts as to the actual extent of Hong Kong’s autonomy and triggering an existential crisis that led to the emergence of a reactive form of popular Hong Kong sub-state nationalism. In this context, state and popular sub-state nationalisms have fed on each other and grown increasingly irreconcilable, echoing the intensifying radicalization and polarization between the authoritarian establishment and the democratic opposition.     

An Unwelcome Presence:U.S. Interference in Hong Kong Since 2007

正In 1982, China and Great Britain started negotiating thehandover of Hong Kong. As a bystander nation, the UnitedStates had taken a low-key attitude, only showing its interestin maintaining Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability. However,since President George H. W. Bush assumed power in 1989,     

粤港合作提升两地产业组织竞争力

中国内地改革开放以来 ,广东与香港的产业合作取得了举世瞩目的成就。但自1997年以来 ,香港与广东两地所处的经济环境都出现了新的变化 ,粤港两地产业合作需要作出新的调整和安排 ,把重心放在着力提高两地产业组织的竞争力上来。本文的研究是在通过比较两地的产业组织结构的基础上 ,重点分析粤港合作在提高两地产业组织竞争力的作用。