The Politics of China’s Aid to North Vietnam during the Anti-American Resistance, 1965–1969

Behind the public display of Sino–North Vietnamese unity in the anti-American resistance during the height of the People’s Republic of China’s Cultural Revolution from 1965 to 1969, Beijing’s insistence on Hanoi’s acceptance of Maoist ideology coupled with its assertive demand for Hanoi to denounce Soviet revisionism politicised its economic and technical assistance to North Vietnam. Although appreciating Beijing’s enthusiasm to aid North Vietnam, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam [DRV] resented Beijing’s political and ideological objective of promoting Maoism and anti-Soviet revisionism in North Vietnam. In response, the DRV government asserted independent decision-making and bureaucratic control over the management of foreign economic and technical aid, which in turn collided with the Chinese assertion of superiority and insistence on their control over all China-aided projects. The fragmentation of Chinese bureaucratic institutions and the political chauvinism of some radical Maoists at the Chinese Embassy in Hanoi, who oversaw Chinese aid to North Vietnam, further hindered Beijing’s ability to exert significant influence over Hanoi.     

The Inability of Japan to Adapt to China＇ s Rise and China＇ s Strategic Response

since China first surpassed Japan in 2010 to become the world＇s second largest economy, the continuing friction and tensions between China and Japan has intensified around issues such as the Diaoyu Islands and the East China Sea air defense identification zone. At the end of 2013, with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe＇s visit to the Yasukuni Shrine, the Sino-Japanese relationship was brought to the lowest point in nearly 30 years. What are the deep-seated reasons for this？ What are Japan＇s strategic intentions？ These questions are worthy of further exploration.     

The Evolution of China’s Security Challenges and Grand Strategy

This article examines changes in China’s security perceptions since 1949 and sketches the evolution of China’s grand strategy. In tracing the evolution of China’s security perceptions and grand strategy since 1949, it identifies elements of change as well as continuity. The changes reflect dramatic developments in the PRC’s capabilities and the international circumstances it faces, both of which have shaped the grand strategic choices of China’s leaders. During most of the Cold War decades, a relatively weak China’s vulnerability to serious military threats from much more powerful adversaries led the CCP to adopt grand strategies focused on coping with a clearly defined external security challenge. After the Cold War and especially in the 21st century, an increasingly complex array of internal and external security concerns confronts China’s leaders with new challenges. The paper concludes with a discussion of the significance of the recently established National Security Commission and offers brief observations about its potential significance for the CCP’s leadership in their fight against the new domestic and international security challenges it faces. The novelty of China’s security challenges at home and abroad in the 21st century is a consequence of the end of the Cold War international order and perhaps more importantly, a consequence of China’s successful modernization since 1979.     

The Characteristics and Problems in China’s Humanitarian Aid to Foreign Countries

By collating the systematic development of China’s foreign aid, and analyzing its characteristics in terms of assistance principles, determination of scale, management mechanisms and aid modalities, this paper explores the problems and corresponding solutions.     

The Partition of Sudan and Its Impact on China’s Oil Interests

After the partition of Sudan,uncertainties over China’s oil interests have surfaced.Nevertheless,deep-rooted ties and mutual economic interdependence between Sudan and S. Sudan offers favorable conditions for China to safeguard and further develop its oil interests in the region.     

China’s Economic Contributions to the World and East Asia

China’s continued high economic growth hasdrawn increasing attention of the world. However,it has received very different evaluations, withthe most representative and conflicting ones being“China threat theory”or “China harm theory”vs.“China opportu     

The Turbulence in West Asia and North Africa and China’s Response

Some tendencies and characteristics have become increasingly salient from the evolutionary trajectory of the turmoil in West Asia and North Africa region, with various powers embarked on a reshuffling,     

The European Parliament’s shifting perspectives on climate justice with regard to China and India

Asia Europe Journal - Justice and responsibility are central notions shaping the international climate negotiations. However, countries have different perspectives on how to translate these...     

Harmonious World and China’s Road of Peaceful Development

The important concept of building a "harmonious society", a "harmonious Asia" and a "harmonious world" initiated by President Hu Jintao is of great theoretical and practical significance as it constitutes the comprehensive guiding principle for China's domestic politics and external strategies, and establishes the goal and orientation China pursues in the changing international system.     

China’s anti-terror strategy and China’s role in global anti-terror cooperation

Anti-terrorism has become an important part of Chinas domestic and diplomatic agenda. This has its historical roots and theoretical basis. Chinas anti-terrorism campaign started even before 9/11, but it was only after 9/11 that China participates fully in the international anti-terror cooperation and becomes a significant player in the efforts. This paper attempts to make an analysis from the Chinese perspective.     

Arctic Issues and China’s Stance

The Arctic has abundant resources and important values in scientific research, transportation and military affairs. On Arctic affairs, the Arctic countries are cooperative and competitive to each other while taking acceptable as well as cautious attitudes to non-Arctic countries’ participation. China wishes to strengthen mutually beneficial cooperation on Arctic-related issues with various parties.     

China’s Employment Situation and Policy

Employment constitutes the basis of people’s living and the means to ensure the stability of a country as well. Realizing relatively full employment is the important prerequisite and basic way to improve people's life. Being the most populous country in the world, China has abundant labor resources and faces an arduous and urgent task to tackle the employment problem. Therefore, providing more employment is a major issue directly bearing on people's living that China will have to face for a long time.     

The Maritime Channel in Southeast Asia and China’s Strategic Pivots

With its transition from land power to sea power and the rapid expansion of its national interests, the security of maritime channels has become an important agenda for China. China has shifted its focus from the dilemma of Malacca Strait to the construction of a sea-lane network in its bid to protect its maritime rights and interests. To build its sea power as a strong nation, China should follow its “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” strategy and establish its strategic pivots at harbors at Sumatra Island and Kalimantan Island in Indonesia so as to improve its ability to ensure its navigational safety.     

Geo-religion and China’s Foreign Strategies

The intertwining and extensive interactions between geopolitical, international economic and geo-religious factors have become the major features of geoborderilogy in the 21st century. The essence of geo-religion lies in the discursive power and the power of persuasion to influence popular views. With the globalization of China’s national interests and the comprehensive implementation of China’s go global strategy, religion should play its due role in China’s global foreign strategies.     

The Core of China＇s Model

＂China＇s Model＂ is the outcome of China＇s political and economic development since China＇s reform and opening up and the globalization trend. It can be described as a dynamic framework of ＂One body with two wings＂, with Chinese Marxism as its core of guiding principles, and the interrelated spheres of political and economic development the two ＂wings＂ which grow from it. China＇s Model is not static, but the product of a continuous process of development. It represents a unity of opposites, blending national characteristics and international features.     

The role of Russian gas in China’s energy supply strategy

China’s gas industry has witnessed a massive expansion and Chinese energy planners envisage a huge development of natural gas in China until 2030. This growth requires large-scale imports of gas in the coming two decades. This article discusses the role of Russian gas exports in China’s gas expansion. It analyses China’s natural gas growth in the coming decades, based on the projections of China’s domestic production capacity and the consequent necessity of large-scale pipeline gas imports from Russia, the Central Asian Republics, and Myanmar. Included in the projections are LNG imports from Southeast Asia, the Middle East, Australia, North America, and East Africa. The article explains how Russia is trying to avoid depending exclusively on the China market by using the options of gas exports to Korea and Japan. However, it concludes that Russia’s pipeline gas exports to China will play an important role in China’s energy supply plan in the coming decades.     

The ROK’s Perception of China’s Role: Interviews with the ROK General Public

The ROK general public universally believes that China will become a member of the G-2 or will surpass the United States as the primary world power. However, they are concerned about China’s rise, believing that it will pose a threat to Korea’s national interests.     

The China–EU relation and media representation of China: the case of British newspaper’s coverage of China in the post-Brexit referendum era

This paper presents a comparative approach that discusses whether British newspapers with different political agendas report China differently, in the post-Brexit referendum UK. As UK still remains as a member country of the EU 3 years after the vote, the relationship between China and the UK is still a source that impacts China–EU relations. Specifically, political agendas of British newspapers heavily impact their reports of domestic political issues and of the EU; this research questions whether such a difference can be observed in reports of China or not. The research selects four popular newspapers in the UK, The Sun, The Times, The Guardian and The Mirror, and analyses their coverage of China between 01/01/2017 and 31/12/2018. Among them, The Sun and The Times are right-wing/leaning newspapers and support the Conservative Party, while The Guardian and The Mirror are left-wing/leaning and the Labour Party supporters. This study applies content analysis and compares three perspectives in these four newspapers’ reports of China: the number of reports, the topics of reports and the associations (threats or cooperate) with China. By comparing the similarity and difference in those four newspapers’ coverages, this paper aims to understand what image of China those popular British newspapers were creating for their readers, what impressions of China were generated and whether and how the coverage reflects the changing Sino–UK relations in the post-Brexit era. If so, how the right-leaning and left-leaning newspapers frame China differently.

     

The demise of Oslo and Hamas’s political engagement

Abstract

This article explores the consequences of the Oslo Accords on the Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas. It shows how the movement positioned itself from the onset in opposition to the treaty and ensuing peace negotiations, rejecting the changes which took place within the Palestinian political establishment; namely, the creation of the interim self-governing Palestinian Authority. It demonstrates how Hamas’s refusal to grant the Oslo Accords any legitimacy was a primary factor in its decision to boycott the first Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections in 1996. With the failure of the peace negotiations and the subsequent eruption of the Second Palestinian Intifada, the framework for the implementation of the Oslo Accords was seen to have effectively collapsed. This article argues that it is this perceived ‘demise’ of the peace process which—to a large extent—underpinned Hamas’s decision to participate in the PLC elections a decade later, in 2006. In mapping this transition, the article explores the factors motivating Hamas’s subsequent entry into the Palestinian political establishment.     

The Basic Principles of China＇s Development of Human Rights and NGOs

From July 6 to 7,2004,co-sponsored by Chinese Association for International Understanding (CAFIU),China Foundation for Human Rights Development (CFHRD) and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation of Germany (Ebert Foundation),the 6^th Sino-German Seminar on Human Rights was held in Berlin of Germany.Mr.Liu Jingqin,head of the Chinese delegation,senior advisor of CFHRD and Vice President of Chinese People‘s Association for Peace and Disarmament,made a keynote speech at the seminar.The following is the full text of his speech.