“Global Jihad”: The Canadian Experience

This study aims to address the relative lack of research examining the Canadian experience of terrorism relating to the “Global Salafi Jihad.” The fundamental research question was “What have people living in, or from, Canada been doing to support or advance violent jihad either at home or abroad?” Data were collected on individuals active from the 1980s through to the end of 2011 in an effort to be as exhaustive as possible. They were analysed according to three broad categories: background variables; operational variables; and investigations and outcomes. The sample was further divided into two and results compared according to whether individuals began offending before or after September 11, 2001, in order to assess change over time. The article begins with a brief history of terrorism in Canada, followed by the methodology, analysis of variables, and summary and conclusions. Cases included and excluded from the analysis are listed in Appendices A and B respectively.     

The Neglected Sex: The Jihadis’ Exclusion of Women From Jihad

The ideological literature of jihad excludes women from combat, even though the classical doctrine of defensive jihad (jihad al-daf’) that jihadis invoke stipulates that all Muslims—men, women, children, and slaves—have an obligation to go out to fight (fard ‘ayn) in defense of their territory and their faith. Thus, the validity of the doctrine of defensive jihad is inherently linked to its universal application to all Muslims. Jihadi ideologues and leaders, however, have either purposely refrained from calling on women to make their presence felt on the battlefield as warriors or have explicitly excluded them. This article is an investigation into this lacuna in jihadi ideology. It addresses a dimension that is hardly, if ever, discussed in the academic literature, namely the jihadis’ exclusion of women from combat. This exclusion represents a gaping hole in jihadi ideology and undermines the validity of the jihadis’ defensive jihad.     

A Review of: “Thomas Hegghammer. Jihad in Saudi Arabia: Violence and Pan-Islamism Since 1979.”

Charles King, Ending Civil Wars, Adelphi Paper 308. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. 94, notes. ISBN 0–19–829343–7, £14.99. ISSN 0567–932X.

Michael Howard, George J Andreopoulos and Mark R Shulman (eds.), The Laws of War. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994. Pp. vii + 303, notes, bibliography, index. ISBN 0–300–05899–3 (hb), £22.50; ISBN 0–300–07062–4 (pbk) £11.95.

Martha Crenshaw and John Pimlott (eds.), Encyclopedia of World Terrorism. Armonk: Sharpe Reference, 1997, 3 vols. Pp 768. illustrations, bibliography; general, names and geographical indexes. ISBN 56324–806–9 (hbk) £275.     

A Review of: “Alison Pargeter. The New Frontiers of Jihad: Radical Islam in Europe.”

Recent years have witnessed a significant increase in the amount of counterterrorism legislation worldwide. The commonly held assumption behind the adoption of counterterrorism legislation links it to the terrorist threat in a state. However, little research has focused on empirically testing reasons driving states to legislate. This article addresses this void by analyzing the puzzle of why states choose to adopt new terrorism-specific legislation. The article presents empirical analysis of the probability of states to legislate before and after September 11, 2001, and is based on a new database of counterterrorism legislation. The findings reveal that before September 11, state decisions to adopt new legislation correlated with the number of terrorist organizations operating in their territory. Since September 11, however, the most significant predictors for the adoption of new legislation have become the existence of previous counterterrorism legislation and the participation of a state in the War on Terror.     

A Review of: “Brynjar Lia. Architect of Global Jihad: The life of Al-Qaida Strategist Abu Mus'ab al-Suri.”

During the quarter century before the First World War, anarchist terrorism was often blamed on the impact of anarchist agitators on naïve immigrants. This article seeks to investigate the truth of this claim, focusing particularly on Italian emigrants, but also looking at some examples of Spanish, French, and Russian emigrants. My conclusion is that, with a few exceptions, radicals emigrated, but emigration did not create radical terrorists. A particularly good example of this can be found by examining the large Italian emigration to Argentina. At most, the emigrant experience may have heightened a pre-existing radicalism or given more precise configuration to its violent expression.     

上海合作组织:继往开来,前景广阔

成立十年以来,上海合作组织在政治、安全、经济、人文等领域合作取得丰硕成果,国际地位和影响力不断提升,在维护中亚地区稳定方面发挥了重要作用.在中方担任该组织轮值主席国期间,将与各方保持密切沟通,推动务实合作不断发展,为组织下一个10年发展奠定良好开局.     

Hamas: Suicide Bombings,Rockets, or WMD?

Much debate has recently focused on Hamas' development of short-range missiles and on the organization's alleged interest in chemical weapons. Successful employment of such technology could potentially be very destructive and would have an immense effect on the future of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This article seeks to address the question of likelihood of Hamas' technological progression by examining the issue as a cost-benefit analysis from the perspective of the organization's leadership. The article presents suicide bombings, missiles and chemical weapons as possible tactical options for Hamas, and discusses the possible costs and benefits of the individual options as they pertain to the movement's long-term and short-term objectives. Additional factors likely to influence the organization's decisions in terms of weapons selection are also addressed. An interpretation of current Hamas' actions as well as an attempted forecast of Hamas' military activities is provided in the conclusion.     

吴哥的衰亡:它的本质,意义,原因

一、吴哥的衰亡 从吴哥被暹人围困、攻占、洗劫开始,到柬埔寨人将其首都迁至王国的另一边为止,其间发生了一系列事情,历史学家在记载时,习惯上称其为吴哥的“衰亡”。到目前为止,有关这些事件发生的确切日期,史学界并没有取得必要的共识。一些史学作家认为,暹人——也许我们现在该称他们为速古台及阿瑜陀耶的泰人——在吴哥作为高棉帝国首都的最后一个半世纪中曾经不止一次攻陷过它。然而,本人现在坚信,吴哥在这一期间只有一次沦陷记录,而吴哥被围困及攻陷的时间是1430—1431年,放弃吴哥通作为首都发生在1432年。     

弗兰克·赖特:烟雨水流,一世风流

你或许不知道赖特的名字,但是你一定知道现代建筑杰作之一的流水别墅。在美国匹兹堡市郊区的熊溪河畔,富商考夫曼的私家别墅凌空于涓涓流水之上,掩映在蓊郁树林间,背靠陡崖面临清风,内外空间浑然天成地融为一体。它的设计师正是弗兰克·劳埃德·赖特。     

邢磊:抗疫先锋,守土有责

<正>他是黑龙江省第四批支援湖北医疗队心血管攻坚组组长。疫情暴发后,他主动请缨,带领哈尔滨医科大学附属第二医院心内科30名医护人员,组成“心脏尖兵团”,奔赴武汉参加抗疫支援任务,积极参与患者的全面救治。他负责的心血管病随访中心为应对疫情期间患者就诊受限,主动加大随访力度,通过信息化渠道,     

中东和谈:跌宕起伏,风雷激变

中东和谈启动 12年来 ,曾一度取得重要成果 ,几次出现重大突破。但由于以政局变化与政见分歧、阿以力量对比失衡和美对以的偏袒等不利因素 ,中东和谈至今仍陷于僵局。     

陈志列:自主创新,有大雄心

自主创新的梦想 “赚到了钱,我们就一起开着越野车到西藏玩……”当陈志列辞去公职,决心自主创业,放飞他的自主创新梦想的时候,这样向他的创业伙伴们许愿. 1963年6月,陈志列出生于江苏无锡.21岁时,他毕业于辽宁建工学院.其后的三年间,他在辽宁省机械研究院从事研究工作.最青春的岁月是在辽宁度过的,这位江南才子有了抹不去的东北口音.     

中国与拉美:竞争,合作,抑或"威胁"?

经济改革和对外开放促进了中国经济的蓬勃发展,中国国力的迅速增强引起全世界的普遍关注。中国的崛起对世界产生什么影响?拉美国家面临什么样的机遇与挑战?中国未来的发展以及同拉美的经济关系的走势如何?就这些问题,拉美地区各国政府、企业界、学术机构、该地区的国际组织(如美洲开发银行、拉美经委会、拉美经济体系等)纷纷召开研讨会,或设立专题研究项目,进行深入探讨。2004年11月中旬,中国国家主席胡锦涛对巴西、阿根廷、智利和古巴进行了国事访问,进一步加强了中国与拉美国家的合作关系。这次访问成果颇丰。在政治领域,进一步完善和加强…     

A Review of: “Media and Conflict: Framing Issues,Making Policy,Shaping Opinions,edited by Eytan Gilboa”

Using survey data from statewide political party convention delegates in four states, I investigate whether and how gender stereotypes influence nomination choice. I examine whether gaining candidate information from different sources differentially influences gender stereotypes and the likelihood of supporting both a female and a male nominee. I argue that information sources outside a candidate's control—delegates' discussions with other delegates—versus sources candidates can control (e.g., campaign contacts and personal contact with the candidate) work against female candidates' nomination. Specifically, when delegates learn about candidates via the most controlled sources, they will be more likely to view the candidates as possessing both masculine and feminine traits and issue competencies. As a result, they should be more likely to support the candidate. In contrast, information from sources outside candidate control functions differently for male and female candidates: These sources confirm delegates' stereotype expectations, negatively affecting perceptions of a female candidate's masculine strengths, which then negatively relate to supporting her nomination. The results generally support these ideas: Delegates receiving information from the most controlled sources form balanced views of the female candidate, but the positive effects of information from these sources on nomination choice are not mediated by stereotypes. In contrast, delegates gaining information from other delegates confirm their stereotypes of the candidate and are then less likely to support her. More broadly, gender stereotypes, particularly those regarding female candidates' masculine traits and feminine issue competencies relative to the candidate's male opponent, directly and positively relate to delegates' likelihood of supporting her.     

Conceptualizing regional powers’ geoeconomic strategies: neo-imperialism,neo-mercantilism,hegemony, and liberal institutionalism

This article argues that geoeconomics, defined as the geostrategic use of economic power, has become an increasingly important feature of regional powers’ strategic behavior. Yet, we still lack analytical tools to identify and compare regional powers’ geoeconomic strategies. The article marks a first attempt to develop a typology for differentiating potential geoeconomic strategies that regional powers may pursue in dealing with their corresponding regions. It merges the regional power focus with a geoeconomic perspective, producing the following four ideal-typical strategies: neo-imperialism, neo-mercantilism, hegemony, and liberal institutionalism. This new typology serves as a conceptual device for creating analytical differentiation between regional powers and the range of possible geoeconomic strategies pursued by them. The paper discusses ways in which the new typology may contribute to our understanding of regional powers’ foreign policy conduct and to the emerging geoeconomic research agenda. While the purpose of the article is not to test any specific hypothesis or to empirically analyze cases, brief case study vignettes will be presented for illustrative purposes, looking particularly at Brazil, the EU, Germany, and Russia.     

Hostage Diplomacy: Britain,China, and the Politics of Negotiation, 1967–1969

During the radical phase of the Cultural Revolution in 1967–1969, China's violation of the diplomatic norms of the international community reached an unprecedented level. Two dozen British diplomats and private citizens on the mainland became de facto hostages of their host government. In response to China's hostage-taking, the British government preferred quiet diplomacy to extreme retaliation such as a rupture of diplomatic relations and economic sanctions. It focused on negotiations through minimal publicity and reciprocal gestures. But in China, the British found a culturally different negotiating partner that was obsessed with principles rather than details. Through a step-by-step negotiating approach recommended by the Sinologists in the British Mission, London was finally successful in securing the release of its detained nationals. The lesson of Britain's quiet diplomacy was a culture-sensitive approach to negotiation and the ability to separate the hostage question from the wider political and economic relationship that would facilitate the resolution of future hostage crises.