恐怖主义的定义与特征探析

一个较准确的恐怖主义定义,应该涵盖恐怖主义的主体、对象、目的、手段这四个要素。恐怖主义应该定义为:主要是指一定的组织有预谋地对非战斗人员或民用设施实施暴力,制造恐怖气氛,以实现某种政治目的的行为。恐怖主义的主要特征有:主体组织性;袭击目标的象征性与随意性;目的政治性与思想狂热性;恐怖方式的暴力性、残酷性;恐怖手段的高科技化趋势;恐怖主义组织的国际化趋势。     

恐怖主义产生的根源与防治对策探究

恐怖主义是指一定的组织有预谋地对平民或者民用设施实施暴力,营造恐怖气氛,以达到某种政治目的的行为。恐怖主义产生的根源主要有:自然环境与经济因素的影响;国内、国际政治因素的影响;民族因素的影响;宗教、文化因素的影响。防治恐怖主义的对策主要有:建立公正合理的国际政治经济新秩序;清除民族意识和宗教意识中的非理性成分;加强反恐国际合作。     

聚焦中国之反恐怖

2001年9月11日，对地球人来说是个有分水岭意义的日子。从这一天起，一个过去被人们所忽略的概念——恐怖主义横空出世，以千钧之重猛烈地撞击着全人类的脑神经。恐怖主义究竟是什么概念?恐怖犯罪离我们有多远?     

当代生物恐怖威胁状况评估与治理路径

生物安全关乎人民生命健康、经济社会发展、国家长治久安和中华民族永续发展,是总体国家安全观的重要组成部分,是涉及国家和民族生存与发展的大事,也是影响乃至重塑世界格局的重要力量。《生物安全法》是国家安全法律体系的重要组成部分,也是应对生物恐怖威胁最有效的法律武器。评估发现,当前反生物恐怖主义面临的困境与挑战主要是以生物病毒传播、生物武器研制、生物技术滥用为代表的生物恐怖主义风险持续加剧。生物恐怖主义治理路径包括科学构建国家生物安全法律法规体系,树立积极刑法观在生物安全治理中的正当性;深化开展生物恐怖潜在风险调查排查,统筹建立生物安全威胁能力评估体系;着力提升生物安全监测预警能力,健全完善反生物恐怖情报工作机制;全面提高生物恐怖威胁应急处置能力,推动以联合国为主导的生物安全全球治理,推动形成维护生物安全的强大合力。     

国际恐怖主义犯罪之刑法应对——以恐怖主义犯罪之“非政治化”处理为切入点

作为严重危害国际社会的罪行,国际恐怖主义犯罪一直是国际社会关注的焦点。但是国际恐怖主义犯罪目前在各国之间未能达成统一权威的定义,与政治犯的定义无法明确的情况类似。尽管现今国际社会都在采取国际恐怖主义犯罪＂非政治化＂的处理措施,以区别于政治犯的处理,但是无疑缺乏一个相应的规范性标准。     

独狼恐怖主义犯罪及其治理探析

独狼恐怖主义犯罪作为恐怖主义犯罪一种新的表现形式,已逐渐成为恐怖主义犯罪的新常态,并因其突发性、隐蔽性、不易防范等特点,而成为国际反恐防恐的一大难点。"独狼"与一般的恐怖分子有着较大的不同,激进化的状态十分明显;同时由于独狼恐怖袭击易被复制和效仿,从恐怖主义总体的发展趋势来看,其危害将进一步扩大。加强对于独狼及其恐怖主义犯罪的研究,将有助于对独狼恐袭的防范。     

论国际恐怖主义及其对国家主权的影响

一国际恐怖主义并非我们这个时代的专有名词,国际社会早在20世纪20年代就开始努力控制国际恐怖主义。冷战结束后,国际恐怖主义活动日益猖獗,严重干扰和破坏着国家主权的基石,威胁着世界的和平、安全与稳定。国际社会为应对这一全球性威胁,展开了形式多样的合作,但迄今所获成果依旧不甚显著,一个重要原因在于不存在一个被普遍接受的国际恐怖主义的一般性定义,有关国际恐怖主义的广义定义有100多种,比较集中的也有20多种。主要原因在于界定国际恐怖主义具有较强的政治性。世界一些国家和地区往往根据各自的理解和利益对国际恐怖主义做出定义,…     

浅谈恐怖主义犯罪的特征

恐怖主义犯罪由于恐怖活动的泛滥而日益受到人们的重视,特别是最近几年的高密度、超强度破坏的恐怖事件,更加引起学者们的密切关注和深入探讨。恐怖主义犯罪是很复杂的社会现象,只有全面考察其来龙去脉,才能有的放矢地惩治恐怖主义犯罪。因此,恐怖主义犯罪的特征,应该从多角度进行概括,至少要从两个角度分析,一个是犯罪学的特征,另一个是规范刑法学的构成特征。     

恐怖主义犯罪新动向及其对策

恐怖主义犯罪严重地危害世界和平与安全、经济发展与社会进步 ,已成为当今世界的一大公害 ,引起了各国政府的广泛关注。科学地界定恐怖主义犯罪、分析恐怖主义犯罪新动向 ,在此基础上提出预防和打击恐怖主义犯罪的对策是目前学术界研究的重要课题。     

网络恐怖主义的特点、趋势与预防

网络恐怖主义是随着信息技术的普及和发展而产生的一种新型恐怖主义,是网络技术与恐怖主义相结合的产物,是一种由国家或非国家主使,针对信息、计算机程序和数据以及网络系统,带有明确政治目的的攻击行动.依据网络恐怖主义高科技性、恐怖性、高破坏性的特点和主体个人化、行动更加隐蔽的趋势,应从立法、技术、管理等方面采取措施,加强预防.     

How the Public Defines Terrorism

Every time a major violent act takes place in the United States, a public debate erupts as to whether it should be considered terrorism. Political scientists have offered a variety of conceptual frameworks, but have neglected to explore how ordinary citizens understand terrorism, despite the central role the public plays in our understanding of the relationship between terrorism and government action in the wake of violence. We synthesize components of both scholarly definitions and public debates to formulate predictions for how various attributes of incidents affect the likelihood they are perceived as terrorism. Combining a conjoint experiment with machine learning techniques and automated content analysis of media coverage, we show the importance not only of the type and severity of violence, but also the attributed motivation for the incident and social categorization of the actor. The findings demonstrate how the language used to describe violent incidents, for which the media has considerable latitude, affects the likelihood the public classifies incidents as terrorism.     

Is Standing for Women a Stand Against Terrorism? Exploring the Connection Between Women's Rights and Terrorism

Previous large-N studies have found that the advancement of women's rights leads to a decline in conflict, but no large-N research has explored the possibility of a similar relationship between women's rights and terrorism. Nevertheless, policymakers have long argued that the advancement of women's rights forms a key component of counterterrorism policy. Simply put, we lay out a rationale for the argument that increased women's rights reduce the likelihood of terrorism. We test this hypothesis using CIRI's women's rights data combined with two datasets accounting for domestic terrorism and the production of transnational terrorism. While the results show that women's rights overall are not a panacea for both types of terrorism, the provision of women's rights is shown to have a negative relationship with domestic terrorism. States and international institutions should take the differing effects of women's rights across different types of terrorism into account when designing counterterrorism policies.     

An analytical history of terrorism, 1945–2000

This paper traces the history of modern terrorism from the end of the Second World War to the beginning of the twenty-first century. It divides that history into three stylized waves: terrorism in the service of national liberation and ethnic separatism, left-wing terrorism, and Islamist terrorism. Adopting a constitutional political economy perspective, the paper argues that terrorism is rooted in the artificial nation-states created during the interwar period and suggests solutions grounded in liberal federalist constitutions and, perhaps, new political maps for the Middle East, Central Asia and other contemporary terrorist homelands.     

The several costs of responding to the threat of terrorism

This paper describes several dimensions of the cost of the U.S. response to the threat of terrorism. Following an evaluation of the nature and magnitude of the threat of terrorism against the United States, the paper describes the restrictions on our civil liberties, the fiscal and other costs of the major homeland security measures, the fiscal cost of programs that make no contribution to the defense against terrorism but are rationalized on that ground, and the effects on our language and the potential for civil discourse of an extended defense against terrorism.     

Governance of Terror: New Institutionalism and the Evolution of Terrorist Organizations

A preoccupation with network approaches in terrorism studies has inadvertently marginalized the fact that terrorist groups are subject to many of the same bureaucratic forces that impact all purposeful organizations. Because typical organizations are subsumed in the concept of networks, it is curious that scholars have been so quick to bypass more traditional models of organizations and bureaucracy that may help us understand network topology. This article relies on the new institutional approach to organizational behavior. Using the Coase theorem to explain the costs and benefits associated with different organizational structures, it follows that counterterrorism efforts may drive some groups toward greater autonomy while compelling others to adopt common bureaucratic processes, often referred to as isomorphism. By exploring the different costs that terror groups face and examining the characteristics of terrorists associated with different groups, organizational theory can help explain a divergent trend in terrorism research: leaderless jihad and increased bureaucratization.     

How (not) to study terrorism

This article disputes the premise dominant in moral philosophy and the social sciences that a strict definition of terrorism is needed in order to evaluate and confront contemporary political violence. It argues that a definition of terrorism is not only unhelpful, but also impossible if the historicity and flexibility of the concept are to be taken seriously. Failure to account for terrorism as a historical phenomenon produces serious analytical and epistemological problems that result in an anachronistic, ahistorical, and reductive understanding. Because there are no historically or contextually stable answers to the question what terrorism is, this article argues for a novel account of terrorism that replaces the attempt to define terrorism with an analysis of its meaning and function within a specific context.     

The Rule of Law in the Fight against Terrorism

What is the role of legal limits on executive power, if any, when citizens demand more security from terrorism, and allowing executive officials legal flexibility of action appears necessary to achieve it? We develop a game‐theoretic model to show that when the executive faces increased electoral incentives to provide security and has legal flexibility to choose any policy it finds optimal, security from terrorism can actually decrease. In contrast, when the executive faces increased electoral incentives to provide security and there is an explicit legal limit on executive counterterrorism activities, security from terrorism increases. We also show that the executive achieves the objective of terrorism prevention more effectively when there are some limitations on its counterterrorism powers. The article provides a security rationale for legal limits on executive power and has implications for understanding how to design the institutional structure of liberal governments when the social objective is terrorism prevention.     

The life satisfaction approach to valuing public goods: The case of terrorism

Terrorism has large social costs that are difficult to quantify for the well-known problems of eliciting people’s preferences for public goods. We use the LSA to assess these costs in utility and monetary terms. Based on combined cross-section time-series data, we estimate the costs of terrorism for France and the British Isles. We find large negative effects of terrorism on life satisfaction that translate into considerable compensating surpluses for a hypothetical reduction in terrorism, in particular for the serious conflict in Northern Ireland. The effects of terrorism are robust and differ across groups in accordance with prior expectations.     

Can peace be purchased? A sectoral-level analysis of aid��s influence on transnational terrorism

Does foreign aid reduce terrorism? We examine whether foreign aid decreases terrorism by analyzing whether aid targeted toward certain sectors is more effective than others. We use the most comprehensive databases on foreign aid and transnational terrorism??AidData and ITERATE??to provide a series of statistical tests. Our results show that foreign aid decreases terrorism especially when targeted toward sectors, such as education, health, civil society, and conflict prevention. These sector-level results indicate that foreign aid can be an effective instrument in fighting terrorism if allocated in appropriate ways.     

The Myth of the Failed State and the War on Terror: A Challenge to the Conventional Wisdom

Abstract

A central hypothesis in the articulated rationale inspiring the war on terror suggests that failed states play a key role in the international terrorist nexus and require external intervention and guided democratization. This logic is based on two related premises; first that there is a direct link between failed states and international terrorism, second that democratic governance reduces the recourse to terrorism. This article suggests that there is no causal link between failed states and international terrorism and that the asserted ability of democratic governance to catalyze a reduction in terrorism is exaggerated if not wholly inaccurate.