Beyond COVID-19: Five commentaries on expert knowledge,executive action,and accountability in governance and public administration

Several Canadian and international scholars offer commentaries on the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for governments and public service institutions, and fruitful directions for public administration research and practice. This first suite of commentaries focuses on the executive branch, variously considering: the challenge for governments to balance demands for accountability and learning while rethinking policy mixes as social solidarity and expert knowledge increasingly get challenged; how the policy-advisory systems of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and United Kingdom were structured and performed in response to the COVID-19 crisis; whether there are better ways to suspend the accountability repertoires of Parliamentary systems than the multiparty agreement struck by the minority Liberal government with several opposition parties; comparing the Canadian government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the Global Financial Crisis and how each has brought the challenge of inequality to the fore; and whether the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated or disrupted digital government initiatives, reinforced traditional public administration values or more open government.     

Joining public accountability and performance management: A case study of Lethbridge,Alberta

Abstract: This article presents an in‐depth assessment of how performance measurement, public reporting, and internal performance management have been merged in Lethbridge, Alberta. Business‐unit managers and council members both share the view that performance measurement and reporting are useful and that performance information is credible. This finding contrasts with the more general view that performance information is not used much, despite widespread commitments to collecting it. In Lethbridge, a balance has been struck between performance measurement for management uses and council uses. The current system is driven by managers who share the view that performance measurement and reporting are useful for improving programs and providing information that can be a part of public accountability. If performance measurement is to add value in public‐sector organizations, it needs to have the continued support of managers – they are key to developing the measures, collecting the information and using it, and sustaining such systems. Changes that undermine the trust that is critical to a workable compromise for performance measurement, public reporting and performance management ultimately undermine the integrity of these systems.     

Institutional design and the accountability paradox: A case study of three Aboriginal accountability regimes in Canada

While academic interest in accountability and transparency mechanisms in Aboriginal governance has risen over the past few years, very few studies have examined how these mechanisms operate in practice. One author, Shin Imai ( 2007 ), argues that Indigenous groups in Canada are faced with an accountability paradox that gives too much power to the federal government to intervene in band affairs, while giving too little power to band members to hold their local officials accountable for their actions. This paper examines the extent to which Aboriginal groups can avoid this paradox by reviewing three experiments in institutional design and self‐government in Aboriginal communities: the Sechelt Indian Band and the Westbank First Nation in British Columbia, and Nunatsiavut in Labrador. While considerable variation exists in terms of how well these communities overcome Imai's paradox, each community's accountability regime is an improvement over the one imposed by the Indian Act. The effectiveness of these regimes depends heavily on the institutional designs chosen by the Indigenous groups.     

Conscience and conformity: the uncomfortable bedfellows of accountability

Abstract: The theme of this paper is that the proliferation of service-wide controls and the emphasis on conformity with centrally prescribed rules and policies have seriously damaged the free play of conscience and discretion in the value system of the federal civil service. Managerial behaviour, as a consequence, now responds excessively to accountability to others, defined as “dependent accountability,” and insufficiently to individual conscience, defined as “independent accountability.” The author deplores this direction in the culture of the federal bureaucracy and gives examples of how the dominance of conformity over conscience impedes productivity and erodes managerial morale. Sommaire: Selon cet article, la prolifération des contrôles au niveau des services et l'importance attachée à la conformité des règles et politiques édictées par les organismes centraux ont porté très sérieusement atteinte au libre jeu de la conscience et de la discrétion dans le système de valeurs de la fonction publique fédérale. En conséquence, le comportement des gestionnaires est trop conditionné par l'imputabilité vis-à-vis d'autrui, ce que l'on appelle “l'imputabilite dépendante”, et ne l'est pas assez par le contrôle de la conscience individuelle, “l'imputabilité indépendante”. L'auteur déplore cette orientation de la culture de la bureaucratie fédérale et montre par des exemples comment la suprématie de la conformité sur la conscience diminue la productivité et érode le moral des gestionnaires.     

Administrative devolution and accountability: the case of the non-profit housing program

Abstract: The problem of bureaucratic accountability has received considerable attention in the literature of public administration, but few studies have considered the extent to which extra-governmental agencies are held accountable to governments or legislatures. This paper examines administrative devolution and the problem of accountability, using the non-profit housing program as an example. It argues that devolution of programs, without adjusting for the resulting loss of bureaucratic control, leaves governments with little information about, or control over, the people who make decisions about large expenditures of public funds. It concludes that if the advantages of using the voluntary sector for social service delivery are to outweigh the problems of reduced accountability, forms of control -such as incentives for compliance and internal professional standards - which do not limit the autonomy of these groups, but which can enhance pre-audit accountability, need to be developed. Sommaire: Si le problème de la responsabilité bureaucratique a fait I'objet de nombreuses études dans les textes de I'administration publique, peu d'entre elles, en revanche, ont pris en considération la mesure dans laquelle les organismes paragouvernementaux sont tenus de rendre des comptes aux gouvernements ou législatures. Cet article examine la décentralisation administrative et les problèmes de responsabilités, en utilisant comme exemple le programme de logement à but non lucratif. Il suggere que la décentralisation des programmes, sans ajustement qui tienne compte de la perte de contrôle bureaucratique en résultant, laisse les gouvernements avec peu de renseignements ou de contrôle sur les personnes qui prennent des décisions concernant d'importantes dépenses de fonds public. En conclusion, I'auteure dit que, si les avantages résultant de I'utilisation du secteur bénévole pour fournir les services sociaux doivent I'emporter sur les problèmes de diminution de la responsabilité, il faut mettre en place certaines mesures de contrôle (tels les encouragements à se conformer à des normes professionnelles internes), qui ne restreindraient par I'autonomie de ces groupes, mais pourraient accroître la responsabilité avant le contrôle.     

Searching for strategy: Value for Money (VFM) audit choice in the new public management era

Value for Money (VFM) audits are now critical aspects of accountability in Westminster systems, based on the assumption that ministries are systematically examined. This study explores the VFM inquiries of the Auditor General of Ontario (AGO) between 1997 and 2014 as a case study to uncover trends of consistency of approach under the flourishing “new public management” philosophy of cutting costs and raising efficiencies. It asks three broad questions: does the frequency and intensity of VFM audits correlate with the financial importance of the ministries? Do political controversies affect the choice of what will be subject to a VFM audit? Finally, do Auditors General make a personal difference in what ministries will be audited through a VFM framework? The findings demonstrate a pattern of over‐auditing of some ministries while important ministries are consistently under‐audited.     

Enhancing government's policy management and decision‐making system: The case of Ghana's central governance reforms project

Countries around the world are investing in the improvement of policy capacity in their public services. Ghana has made similar investments during the last decade, in order to achieve the government's far‐reaching policy agenda of transforming Ghana's economy. The Ghana Central Governance Project was initiated during the year 2000 in order to develop a skilled civil service, capable of moving coherently and effectively from policy and strategy to detailed policy options, budgeted programs and concrete results. This reform was deemed essential to the realization of the government's ambitious agenda.     

人文关怀与依法治校的融合：高校学生管理工作的新思路

学生管理工作是高校设计、实施和完成大学生教育过程的重要环节。为了适应学生的变化、高校的发展和社会的要求,高校的学生管理工作必须坚持人文关怀与依法治校相结合,这也是新时期高校学生管理工作的新思路。     

Beyond Westminster governance: Bringing politics and public service into the networked era

Abstract: The underlying premise of this article stems from the following question: is our Westminster, parliamentary model of democratic governance and administration adaptable for contemporary realities and emerging challenges? By way of response, the author attempts to expose what is wrong with the current model and sketches what changes to our governing institutions must be envisioned in order to safeguard political legitimacy and administrative competence in a world that is increasingly networked. Central to this discussion is the doctrine of ministerial responsibility and accountability and an appropriate parcelling of roles and authorities to public servants and politicians. Equally important is the rise of the Internet and new forms of political mobilization outside of government, on the one hand, and the potential for more direct mechanisms of public engagement, on the other hand. Without significant innovation and reform, Parliament and the federal government instead face a steady erosion of political and human capital that cannot be reversed until the country is convinced that 1) a new approach to governing is a realistic proposition, and 2) citizens will play an important role in designing this new approach. Sommaire: La prémisse sous‐jacente du présent article découle de la question suivante : est‐ce que notre modèle de Westminster de gouvernance et d'administration démocratique parlementaire peut s'adapter aux réalités contemporaines et aux défis émergents? En guise de réponse, l'article essaie d'exposer ce qui ne ne fonctionne pas dans le modèle actuel et donne un aperçu du genre de changements que nous devons envisager pour nos institutions dirigeantes afin de sauvegarder la légitimité politique et la compétence administrative dans un monde de plus en plus réseauté. Au centre de cette discussion se trouvent la doctrine de la responsabilité et de l'imputabilité ministérielle et une répartition appropriée des rôles et des pouvoirs des fonctionnaires et des responsables politiques. Tout aussi importants sont le rôle accru d'Internet et de nouvelles formes de mobilisation politique en dehors du gouvernement d'une part, et la possibilité de recourir à des mécanismes de participation publique plus directe, d'autre part. Par contre, à défaut d'innovations et de réformes importantes, le Parlement et le gouvernement fédéral font face à une érosion continue du capital politique et humain qui ne peut être inversée tant que le pays ne sera pas convaincu : a) qu'une nouvelle manière de gouverner est une proposition réaliste; et b) que les citoyens joueront un rôle important en concevant cette nouvelle démarche.     

Local governance and the local political career in Canada: A sample dataset

This research note introduces and describes a new dataset of political actors from the city of Kitchener, Ontario. The dataset is comprised of 348 complete political careers, across four local institutions, from 1912 to the present. This research note aims to show that large‐scale databases of local political actors can contribute to our understanding of (a) local political careers, (b) the dynamics of formal and informal local institutions, and (c) the nature and boundaries of local multilevel governance. This note concludes with some practical advice for those who wish to build similar datasets in other Canadian cities.     

冲突与媾和：规范警察权刍议

依法治国,建设社会主义法治国家,已成为我国的一项基本治国方略。在法治条件下,为保障公民权利,应以法治的理念重新审视警察权,并应以法治的原则和观念指导警察权的构建。     

国有企业公司治理结构:问题、原因、对策

目前80％的国有大中型骨干企业已初步建立起公司治理结构,但其中很多尚未形成健全的制度安排和规范的运行,内部人控制现象仍十分严重。对此,必须继续深化改革,抓住国有产权这一关键环节,建立合理的国有产权委托代理结构,建立健全有中国特色的公司法人治理结构,从根本上解决公司治理结构存在的问题。     

始于管理终于和谐——谈改革发展中的高校管理

我国的高等教育发展已经取得了很大的成就、积累了许多的经验。当前,我国的高等教育面临着诸多的机遇和挑战。在和谐文化建设的背景下,高校如何抓住机遇、迎接挑战、进而实现和谐发展,是一个重要课题。这需要明确高校管理的基本定位、完善高校管理理念、建立高校管理法典、严格评价制度、创建高校发展的和谐环境。     

应对加入WTO的挑战迎接行政信息公开时代的来临

行政信息公开是人民主权原则的内在要求,也是信息化革命的必然结果.在全球经济、法律一体化的趋势下,加强行政信息公开立法已成为一国法制建设中的一项重要任务.特别是我国加入WTO之后,世界贸易组织关于透明度的规则对我国信息公开提出了很高的要求.如何应对加入WTO的挑战,加强行政信息公开法制建设已成为迫切的现实需要.而我国目前已开展的政务公开运动只是政府推动型的一项政府办事制度改革,缺乏规范性、稳定性、统一性,公开范围、程序规定都不明确,也缺少相关的法律监督和救济,需要进一步完善.     

自治、法治与善治:中国行政改革的目标取向

中国行政改革的目标取向有三个 :一是市场取向 ,也就是发挥市场机制在资源配置中的基础性作用 ,实现平等产权主体之间的意思自治 ;二是公共取向 ,要严格对政府的公法约束 ,实行行政法治 ;三是福利取向 ,政府要提供公共产品 ,改善人民生活 ,实现良好的治理即善治。     

创新党的执政方式的必要性和途径

党的执政方式需要从党政不分向党政分开转变,从人治型向法治型转变,从无限型向有限型转变。创新党的执政方式的途径有:科学执政、民主执政、依法执政。