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The international legal order is dominated by a concern for security, whether national or individual, an explicit fear of the Other, towards whom one exists in no moral relation. This is not a recent phenomenon but goes back to the origin of modernity in a Hobbesian rejection of classical and medieval natural law. This fear is not marginal to liberalism; rather, the amorality vacuum affecting personal relations is integral to liberal contractarianism. This fear-inducing vacuum has to be countered through a phenomenology of the person in community, following Paul Ricouer, which restores the ethical dimension of society. At the same time, a critical phenomenology can expose the pathologies of fear, the use of force to dominate, and the consequences of the absence of respect. The whole subject-matter of international law is inherently vulnerable to these negative contradictions, and not just recent tragedies, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq by the United States and Britain. An exit strategy from a world of fear to one of respect has still to recognise the limits imposed not so much by the difference of the Other, as by the perplexity of one's own opaqueness. The destructiveness of fear remains at this initial stage. However, one can never completely overcome it by coming out of the modernity of the isolated self. We are equally opaque to one another.  相似文献   

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一、印度经济的历史、现在与未来:时间维度上的必要张力人类总是生活在过去和未来之间。历史在前进,人类思维也从未停止。特别是在历史的重要转折关头,人们总是强烈地想弄明白自己应向何处去的问题。而要明白自己未来的方向,就必须弄清自己的过去和现在。这就构成了库恩所说的“必要的张力”。冷战结束后,世界朝着多极化方向发展。日本《21世纪》杂志把印度作为多极世界的一极,美国也将印度视为90年代末世界三大地区力量中心之一。世界经济观察家也指出,在未来20~30年内,将会产生五大世界强国,其中三个在亚洲,那就是日本、中国和印度。因此…  相似文献   

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金灿荣  戴维来 《国际安全研究》2013,(2):13-23,154,155
当前,中国崛起态势"如火如荼",美国首强地位"自恐不保",中美关系逼近"振荡期",业已存在的现实摩擦与可能爆发的矛盾冲突亟待有效的手段予以管控,相互疑虑日益增长的趋势亟需特别的渠道予以扭转,实现这些目标刻不容缓。正如1972年历史性开启中美关系的对话那样,中美急需切实管用的沟通对话机制,通过经常性、机制性的接触,起到增信释疑的作用,有助于保持中美两国政治、经济、安全乃至军事关系的稳定,最大限度减少不稳定因素,最大限度控制风险的扩大化。中美战略与经济对话应运而生,因之而兴,为推进中美关系稳定发挥了重要作用,但该对话机制也有需要改进提升的地方。由此,如何深化中美对话机制、为塑造新型大国关系营造好的氛围,值得我们思考并为此提出见解、建议。  相似文献   

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The year 2001 was designated as the "United Nations (UN) Year of Dialogue among Civilizations", a major move based on the General Assembly resolution 53/22 of 1998, taken at the dawn of the new millennium. Persistent progress of such dialogue will bring a bout not only a rosy picture for human civilizations but also a bright future for international relations. This article intends to offer some views about ts significance in the latter respect. The citatlon of a wealth of basic material is meant for inviting more in-depth discussions.  相似文献   

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文明对话的国际关系意含   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
联合国倡导和推动的不同文明对话是20世纪90年代以来文明间关系和国家间关系的重要发展,是以和平与发展为主题的当今时代的特征性表现.本文从国际关系的角度,认为文明对话不仅有利于人类文明的进步,而且在国际对话趋势的深入发展、国际文化关系的进一步文明化、回应经济全球化的挑战和探索国际关系新范式等方面都具有重要意义.文明对话将继续赋予国际关系更多的"文明精神".  相似文献   

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Comments about the role of the mediator made by Lakhdar Brahimi, United Nations Special Envoy to Afghanistan, frame this inquiry into the relational milieu favorable to dialogue that explores a series of facilitated discussions between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Republic of Indonesia convened by the Henry Dunant Centre (HDC). Participants were interviewed as part of an oral history project investigating critical moments in negotiation. This method permitted an in-depth study of a dialogue process as it was understood by the parties themselves, and highlighted the distinctive perspectives practitioners bring to bear with respect to accounting for decisive shifts in negotiation. Critical moments, for this dialogue community, included both macrolevel turning points and microlevel relational exchanges. Attention to the microprocess of exchanges deemed critical by participants suggests the crucial roles played by the practitioners' attitudes and relational dispositions.  相似文献   

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How does manpower affect counterinsurgency? Important debates about counterinsurgency theory, military doctrine, force planning, and ongoing military operations revolve around assumptions about the role manpower plays in determining counterinsurgency outcomes. But these assumptions have not, by and large, been subjected to large-n analysis. This paper helps serve that role by examining new data on counterinsurgents’ deployments across 171 campaigns since World War I. These data provide insight into a range of important issues, such as how force size should be measured, whether it is related to counterinsurgent success, whether troop nationality matters, and whether the role of manpower varies across contexts. Of these findings, the most notable is that conventional rules of thumb for force sizing, including the recommendation put forth in official US military doctrine, receive no empirical support. These findings therefore challenge the prevailing wisdom, while laying the groundwork for a range of future scholarship.  相似文献   

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In a Conference convened at Princeton University in January 2010, international relations experts were asked to consider, among other things,  相似文献   

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The article focuses on the microeconomic foundations and effects of the fragile tax base in Sub-Saharan Africa, which have been insufficiently taken into account by the international financial institutions. Two vicious circles are analysed. The first addresses the political economy of states: their inability to redistribute revenues reinforces a lack of credibility, leading to a reluctance by the majority of the population to pay taxes. Instead, there is ongoing reliance on private interpersonal transfers. This is compounded by the way markets interlock, creating negative effects in terms of efficiency. This vicious circle is related to a second one, which stems from the nature of the social contracts that link citizens to the state, and which are rarely of the individualistic-voluntary type characteristic of developed states. States, therefore, are often not part of the reciprocity chain, which explains the failure of some reforms in Africa.  相似文献   

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In this article, the authors present the “insight approach” to conflict as an analytical and methodological framework that addresses the dynamic interactions between conflicting parties. According to the insight approach, conflict is relational, dynamic, and adaptive, generated from the responsive interpretive frameworks that parties use to construct meaning. Conflict arises as a result of parties' experience of what insight theorists call “threat‐to‐cares,” which generates defend–attack patterns of interaction between them. The authors suggest that rethinking the nature of conflict so that it is seen as an interaction embedded in meaning making enables conflict interveners to help parties gain insight into, and articulate, the values that are being generated, advanced, threatened, and realigned within the complex interactions that define us as social beings. In doing so, parties develop abilities to generate new patterns and solutions that can limit and even eliminate the experiences of threat that generate conflict between them.  相似文献   

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Over the past few decades, a vast body of literature has emerged that strives to conceptualise transnational relations between non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This article explores this debate by mapping out two theoretical approaches that can be broadly defined as an ideational and a materialist approach. Particular attention is paid to the different ways in which one can understand the mutual impact of NGOs operating domestically and transnationally. The paper argues that combining the insights from both approaches improves our understanding of NGO dialogue.  相似文献   

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As part of ISP's ongoing effort to provide a scholarly venue for the exchange of ideas on a variety of topics, this issue's ISP Forum presents one set of reactions to the February 2001 article by Lynn Kuzma and Patrick Haney titled "And Action . . . ! Using Film to Learn About Foreign Policy" (February 2001:33-50). Vincent Pollard's comments represent what we hope will be the first in a series of comments on teaching international studies with film. Profs. Kuzma and Haney in their rejoinder urge for an ongoing discussion of the topic, as they see the use of film growing in the field. More broadly, the Editors of ISP invite readers to submit their own comments and reactions on this and other pieces that appear within the pages of ISP. Please note that all submissions undergo a peer review process.  相似文献   

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Conlon  Donald E.  Moon  Henry 《Negotiation Journal》2000,16(3):269-280
Authors of two recent books, Smart Choices and The Win-Win-Solution, offer negotiation practitioners some new twists on how they can improve their decision-making processes. In the first book, Hammond, Keeney, and Raiffa present a five-part PrOACT system, which features: an assessment of the problem; determination of objectives; exploration of alternatives; comprehension of the consequences; and dealing with tradeoffs. The second book, by Brams and Taylor, outlines four settlement options that are available to decision makers, but advocates an adjusted winner approach. The authors have devised a system in which individuals' subjective assessments of particular items in dispute receive point totals, which can then be divided in an equitable manner. In effect, the authors show readers how to deal with the decisions they should make, and those they want to make.  相似文献   

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The author offers a comprehensive definition of what a civil society should be, drawing on the vast outpouring of democratic activities within the Third World, as well as of those forces that inhibit or thwart the full realisation of civil society. The author argues that the diversity of such activities are indicative not just of the potential of civil society but also, and more importantly, of the lessons that they teach us on the limits of representative democracy, on the adverse implications of the current patterns of development, and on the responsibility of citizens in contemporary society - lessons that are fundamental to the building of a democratic and just polity and a humane society.  相似文献   

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在有关世界宗教对话的探讨中,印度教与基督教之间的对话是被学术界长期忽略的部分。本文通过对英国殖民时期的印耶皈依(改教)之辩的梳理,归纳了印度教方面对于印度教与基督教的关系问题的三种观点:一是基于“每种宗教的精神核心”,认为基督教是印度教的同义词;二是印度教和基督教均具有正确性,但各自的道路不同;三是印度教比基督教优越。笔者认为,透过辩论所涉及的表面问题,可见印度教领袖们所真正关心的,是印度作为政治上被殖民、经济上被剥削的弱势一方,在不得不进行社会改良的同时,如何保有自己的文化根基,保障自己的文化权力和建立自己的文化认同的问题。  相似文献   

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