Corporate Pluralism in Danish Law-Making*

This article investigates the pattern of corporate political representation in Danish law-making. The most important finding is a large intra-system variation in scope, level, and structure of outside involvement. There is no evidence of an emerging 'total' system of corporate political representation. The dominant pattern is still one of a diversified use of several channels of access by a large variety of groups, organizations, and institutions. While the importance of organized interests is well documented, it is questionable to what extent this indicates a pattern of societal corporatism in the political system. Interest organizations play an important role in pluralist societies as well, and Philippe Schmitter's main point about representational monopoly does not gain support. Generally, the analysis tends to support a model of pluralist corporate representation.     

Party Cohesion in the Danish Parliament during the 1970s*

The Danish parliamentary parties have traditionally been known for their high degree of cohesion. Recent social and political changes may, however, justify a hypothesis on a decline of party cohesion. In this paper two conflicting hypotheses on party cohesion in the Danish Parliament during the 1970s are formulated and empirically tested. The application of different operationalizations of party cohesion all give the same result: The hypothesis on a decline of party cohesion is false, whereas the hypothesis on a high degree of party cohesion is true. Party cohesion is as high in the 1970s as in previous decades, and the new parties gaining representation during the 1970s are as cohesive as the old, well established parties.     

Class,Party and Ideology: A Danish Case Study of Electoral Behaviour in Referendums*

In this paper elements of a theory of electoral behaviour in referendums are presented and tested on a theoretically important case. Among the main determining factors — social class, political party and ideological attitude — it is shown that on a relatively simple issue with low importance for the everyday life of the voters, ideological attitude is far more important than politicál party and social class in explaining referendum voting. On this basis a scheme of analysis and a number of hypotheses are suggested for further study.     

Party Organizational Elites in Norwegian Politics: Representativeness and Party Democracy*

The question raised is why ‘secondary’ representativeness of political elites, i.e. the degree of similarity in socio-demographic background between elite and electorate, is considered important in debates on democratic polities. Three answers are considered: to improve long-term ‘primary’ representtativity. i.e. the representation of public opinions; to build systemic legitimacy: and to encourage the participation of low-mobilized groups. From this perspective new data on the party organizational elites in Norway are presented: The party elites are socially skewed in terms of present position. but fairly broad based in terms of parental background. They reflect the traditional cleavage structures of Norwegian politics, even though the high shares of women and public employees indicate potentially emerging cleavage structures. Particularly the women in party positions are disproportionately recruited from the lower ranks of the public job market.     

党外知识分子政治参与的特殊性及其引导

党外知识分子是相对于加入中国共产党的知识分子而言的。党外知识分子的政治参与具有自主型、组织型的特征 ,且其政治参与的层次较高。党外知识分子的政治参与对政治生活具有一定的影响和示范作用 ,因此 ,应进一步健全制度 ,加强引导 ,不断提高党外知识分子政治参与的制度化和规范化水平。     

Variations in Organizational Participation in Government: The Case of Denmark*

The main purpose of this article is to refine, modify, and elaborate some central propositions and assumptions in the scholarly debate on corporatism or corporate pluralism. The empirical base is a data archive containing information on practically all interest groups in Denmark. Hypotheses are formulated and tested concerning variations in direct representation and participation of interest groups in public policy-making across (a) types of interest groups, (b) organizational resources, (c) organizational structures, and{d) political issue areas. Contrary to prevailing propositions in the literature on corporatism, the Danish case shows that corporate structures and practices go hand in hand with a system of interest groups characterized by myriads of interest groups, and an overall, rather decentralized structure.     

Sub-National Election Campaigns: The Danish Local Elections of November 1989*

Electoral campaigning is studied almost without exception at the national level. This article has chosen another road, claiming that electoral campaigning can also be studied at the local election level. Campaigning before the Danish local elections of 21 November 1989 is studied. The design permits comparisons between the two levels (national/local) as well as between different units at the local level. It furthermore provides an opportunity for studying the influence of local party systems as well as local mass media on election campaigning. A substantial part of the article discusses the institutional frameworks surrounding electoral campaigning in the municipalities studied and in general. It is maintained that the electoral system, the mass media structure, and the (local) party system are important contextual factors or frameworks. Given this, it is argued that organization, past performance, and campaign focus as a mix of policy proposals and leader image are paramount in affecting the local election vote. The main conclusions are: local election campaigning differs from national election campaigning; local election campaigning matters, i.e. it has a direct effect on the vote; and the functions of local party organizations in connection with local elections and local performance make them less vulnerable to organizational decline, which most mass membership political parties are experiencing at the national level.     

Women's Experiences in the Gwangju Uprising: Participation and Exclusion*

Because of the prevailing patriarchal ideology in Korea, studies of the Uprising in Gwangju have not attributed an active role in the resistance or even autonomous subjectivity to women who took part in the uprising. This article raises and analyzes how the Gwangju Uprising has been genderized and represented in a way that continues this genderization. All too often, women's autonomous subjectivity has been omitted. This article further analyzes women's experiences of resistance in the Gwangju Uprising as well as their experience of being excluded from formal political organizations.     

The Norwegian Communist Party in the Immediate Postwar Period*

The main purpose of this article is to argue the importance of combining several approaches in studies of communist parties: socio-economic structures, competitive relations to other left wing parties, organizational implantation, and the role of political tradition. The present ecological analysis will particularly emphasize the organizational approach and the importance of political tradition. In keeping with Allardt's and Lipset's theories, socio-economic structure seemed to a great extent to be a necessary condition for communist strength in this period. Both significant employment in industry and/or forestry and a strong social democratic party turned out to be necessary conditions for communist strength, but only when we analysed the ‘historical’ and organizational dimensions in more detail were we able to determine more accurately the areas of strong electoral support of the Norwegian Communist Party.     

A Comparative Spatial Analysis of European Party Systems*

This article examines mass perceptions of political parties in Norway, Sweden, Denmark, West Germany, the Netherlands and France. For each country we construct a map in which the parties, voters, and demographic groups are located to provide a visual and spatial overview of the structure of electoral competition. Two dimensions are adequate for displaying the main ideological cleavages in each of the countries. In each case there is a strong left-right dimension combined with a more culturally defined and usually weaker second competitive dimension. In general, we find that no parties occupy the center areas of the space, which are usually dense with voters. This leads us to question the adequacy of the traditional spatial model of elections for describing competition in multiparty systems.     

Party Power: Approaches in a Field of Unfilled Classics*

Much current research into the working of liberal democracy tends to emphasise and concentrate on the corporate channel of influence. The linkage to centres of power provided by political parties has not received sufficient attention. There is a need for more research into the operation of parties as linkages between grass root activists and national elite politics. Studying party democracy is to study internal distribution of power, and the article turns to the debate on community power studies for guidelines on how to approach empirical research on intra-party democracy.     

论在我国政党制度下推进公民有限政治参与

当前我国的政治参与存在着参与趋势扩大和参与制度滞后的矛盾,而要解决这一矛盾,有必要借鉴技术主义和平民主义的经验,鼓励人们进行有限政治参与.印要积极开发和利用现有制度资源,充分发挥政党的政治参与功能.我国的政党制度可以为人们提供充分的参与渠道,但目前这一制度在引导人们群众的参与方面优势仍然没有充分发挥出来.因此,要以制度建设为基本取向,不断完善这一制度.作为执政党的共产党要不断完善党内民主并带领实现社会民主,作为参政党的民主党派要加强自身建设并逐步担任国家领导职务.     

Norwegian Coalition Governments and the Management of Party Relations*

The aim of this article is to analyse the political leaders efforts to organize and manage relations between relevant party actors in a way that is suitable for the operation and preservation of coalition governments. Five coalition governments serve as illustrative cases showing how these relations have been managed in post-war Norway. The similarities between the different government coalitions arc obvious. There are, however, interesting variations concerning the priority given to coordination and unity versus party differences and profilation.     

Upstairs and Downstairs in Danish Politics: An Analysis of Political Apathy and Social Structure*

Party membership in Denmark has declined over the past two decades at the same time as different forms of more unconventional political behaviour have become more frequent. This analysis of the various modes of participation suggests that political participation is likely to become more status-based and protest-oriented, and that the system of participation has become more fragmented, especially among the young.     

How Policy-Making Affects Implementation: The Decentralization of the Danish Disablement Pension Administration*

‘Presidents are more likely to be punished for not making promises of administrative reform than for not implementing them.’ (March & Olsen 1983, 291) Policy-making and implementation have usually been treated as two distinct disciplines. In this article it is argued that implementation is affected by the prior policy-making process. Hypotheses regarding such impacts are derived from the policy-making theories resting on a) the rational decision-making model. b) the conflict-bargaining model, and c) the garbage-can model: Implementation failures are more likely 1) if goals are absent or vague and if alternatives and their consequences have not been considered; 2) if the policy-making process involves participants with conflicting interests and compromising; 3) if there are many and changing participants with limited attention and if symbols are important in the poky-making process. These hypotheses are tested and discussed in relation to a reorganization case, the decentralization of the disablement pension administration in Denmark in 1976.     

Change in the Spatial Dimensions of Party Conflict: The Case of Japan in the 1990s

The political landscape of Japan changed drastically in the early 1990s with new parties forming, the main government party losing power temporarily, and the traditional rival parties forming a coalition government. This article examines how the spatial dimensions of party conflict changed according to surveys of the mass public. Contrary to theoretical expectations based on the stabilizing effects of party identification, we find that the structure of public attitudes toward the parties changed considerably as the party system changed. Abrupt changes in the party system were reflected in changed cleavage patterns. Independence increased during this period and changed from being perceived as a separate dimension to being seen as part of an anti-politics-as-usual dimension.