英国殖民政策与马来亚人民抗日军

本文主要从英国殖民政策的角度,分析马来亚人民抗日军建立及解散的原因。重点探讨:太平洋战争前英国殖民政策与马共的活动;1941年太平洋战争爆发后英国殖民政策与马抗的建立与解散;英军政策与马抗解散的关系。笔者认为,英国对日宣战,为马共获得合法地位和组建马抗提供了条件,英国战时的马来亚政策和马共的被动应对,是战后初期马抗听命解散的重要原因之一。     

20余年来大陆学者关于华侨华人与抗日战争研究述评

20余年来,大陆史学界对华侨与抗日战争关系的研究硕果累累.这些研究主要集中在华侨投身抗日救亡运动的原因和特点,华侨对祖国抗战的主要贡献,抗战期间有关各方的侨务政策,战时华侨领袖和著名人物以及华侨与太平洋战争等方面.     

太平洋战争前后的泰日关系

本文利用美国外交文件及有关泰国、日本的外交文件 ,阐述了太平洋战争前后泰日关系的演变 ,指出泰国与日本结盟是泰国民族主义的兴起与日本发动太平洋战争计划共同作用的结果。而战后泰国却得到了温和处理 ,其原因主要有 :战争期间泰国与联合国家的秘密合作 ,美国的支持以及泰国灵活的外交政策。     

日本财政政策困境及其改革措施

20世纪90年代以来,日本政府陷入财政金融政策困境。由于预算税收急剧恶化,景气对策愈来愈依赖公债发行,日本的国家和地方公债已达668万亿日元,相当于1.3倍日本的GDP。日本目前是西方七国中财政状况最糟糕的国家。为实现财政重建和经济复苏,日本政府出台一系列相关改革措施。     

太平洋战争前日本在东南亚的欺骗宣传及间谍活动

太平洋战争前日本在东南亚的欺骗宣传及间谍活动马勇太平洋战争前，日本帝国主义处心积虑，为入侵东南亚，不仅在军事上作了充分准备，而且，在舆论及情报方面也进行了精心准备。这一点至今还不大为人熟知。本文拟对此作一简述。一、侵占东南亚是日本帝国主义蓄谋已久的既...     

太平洋战争爆发前夕日本对来沪德国犹太难民的利用——1940年上海公共租界工部局董事会选举记

太平洋战争爆发前夕日本对来沪德国犹太难民的利用———１９４０年上海公共租界工部局董事会选举记房建昌旧上海的工部局是公共租界的外侨在所谓“自治”、“法治”原则下组织起来的最高行政机构，其决策权掌握在董事会手中。工部局董事会由９人组成，英、美、日三方按其...     

台胞抗日复台活动在广东

台胞抗日复台活动在广东左双文广东是祖国大陆距台湾最近的省份之一，早期台湾同胞主要是闽粤两省移民，到１９４１年太平洋战争前后，台湾人口６１５万，其中闽粤籍同胞５７０万。自１８９５年马关条约日本割占台湾，台胞为反抗日本的殖民统治，进行了前赴后继的英勇斗争...     

当偷袭珍珠港消息传到中国

以当时情况而言,美国政府想拉拢中国成为盟邦的紧迫感,绝不会亚于中国政府想参加盟邦的意愿。蒋介石大喜若狂?蒋介石听到太平洋战争爆发时,他的态度如何?半世纪以来,不少西方人士认为,珍     

1930年代留日学人与战时日本研究

为了打消国人的恐日症状,居住在上海的几位爱国人士,面对重压,编写了《战时日本》一书,对比中日两国的综合国力,传播抗日必胜的信念。宋斐如自日本求学归来,根据大量统计资料,致力于分析战时日本工业的危机,认为其从进口原材料至出口制成品都高度依赖海外市场。面对凶恶的侵略者,潘昂千著《战时日本之外交》,指出日本疯狂侵略中国,在国际社会愈加孤立。随着全面抗战的升级,军事教育家蒋百里传播持久抗战的想法。在《日本人——一个外国人的研究》一书中,他分析了日本人的性格,指出其性格上的内在矛盾,预示了其最终走向灭亡的结局。这些关于战时日本研究的书籍坚持抗日必胜论,鼓舞国人拿起武器,抵抗日本侵略,为国家独立与自由而战,在抗日战争中发挥了重要作用。     

日本报纸发行的成功之道

日本是世界上报纸消费最大的国家,在世界报业协会发布的全球日报发行量排行榜上,日本报纸占据了前5位。日本人的读报习惯是早上起来之后就到邮箱里取出报纸,晚上下班以后把报纸拿到家里阅读,这种读报的习惯一直没有改变。发行收入是日本报社的主要收入来源,报纸发行本身是赢利的,这与世界上绝大多数国家报纸主要靠广告收入支撑门面不同,日本报纸的发行收入占据着核心地位。大多数日本报纸的发行收入占日本报纸总收入的50%,有的发行收入占到了70%。日本报业取得的卓越的成绩除了得益于日本人多年养成的读报习惯以外,更主要的原因在于日本报业…     

Communist China’s entry into the Korean hostilities and a U.S. proposal for a collective security arrangement in the Pacific offshore island chain

In late 1950, against the background of communist China’s full entry into the Korean War, the U.S. government put forward a Pacific Ocean Pact, which would comprise the United States, Japan, the Philippines, if possible Indonesia, Australia, and New Zealand. This article, after tracing China’s intervention in the Korean War, discusses U.S. policy planning on the proposal for a Pacific Pact, and examines the precise objectives of the proposal. It is argued that the American proposal for a Pacific offshore island chain pact was basically intended to enhance U.S. security interests in Northeast Asia, particularly Japan. The Pacific Pact proposal therefore contained a scheme for committing formally substantial U.S. armed forces to the defense of the Pacific Ocean; the revitalization of Japanese power; and the welding of the resources of strength of Australia, New Zealand, and the Philippines to the defense of Japan.     

论二战前后法泰两国的领土争端与谈判

法国在19世纪末到20世纪初攫取了大量泰国领土。第二次世界大战期间,泰国乘法国在欧洲败亡之际,在日本的帮助下收复了部分割让给法属印度支那的失地。法国临时政府在二战结束后要求归还这些领土。双方为此举行谈判。由于法国实力衰落以及美国对法、泰两国的重要影响,美国在法泰谈判中发挥了重要作用。     

Conserving the Heritage of Shame: War Remembrance and War-related Sites in Contemporary Japan

Abstract

This paper focuses on the formation of place-based war memories in contemporary Japan by examining the Japanese grassroots movements to preserve war-related sites within the local and national politics of “cultural property,” and the developments in which the Ichigayadai Building No. 1 in Tokyo and the Matsushiro Underground Imperial General Headquarters Complex in Nagano are conserved to recall the memories of the Asia-Pacific War in Japan. Both places embody the war of aggression carried out by Imperial Japan in the twentieth century. The Ichigaya site was home to the Imperial General Headquarters during the war. The Matsushiro site refers to gigantic underground shelters and tunnels built at the end of the war to relocate the Imperial General Headquarters of the Ichigaya site. Both sites gained social and national attention in the 1990s by raising questions of how to convey memories of suffering caused as well as suffering experienced to the next generation. By introducing the struggles to conserve war-related sites, I argue that contemporary Japan's public memory-making and -remaking processes are shaped by contestants to reclaim places.     

THE DEVELOPMENT OF A DEATH CULT IN 1930s JAPAN AND THE DECISION TO DROP THE ATOM BOMB

In the 1930s Japan developed a death cult which had a profound effect on the conduct of the Japanese armed forces in the Pacific War, 1941–1945. As a result of government directed propaganda campaign after the overthrow of the Shogunate in 1868, the ruling military cliques restored an Imperial system of government which placed Emperor Meiji as the Godhead central to the constitution and spiritual life of the Japanese nation. A bastardised Bushido cult emerged. It combined with a Social-Darwinist belief in Japan's manifest destiny to dominate Asia. The result was a murderous brutality that became synonymous with Japanese treatment of prisoners of war and conquered civilians. Japan's death cult was equally driven by a belief in self-sacrifice characterised by suicidal Banzai charges and kamikaze attacks. The result was kill ratios of Japanese troops in the Pacific War that were unique in the history of warfare. Even Japanese civilians were expected to sacrifice their lives in equal measure in the defence of the homeland. It was for this reason that American war planners came to the shocking estimate that as many as 900,000 Allied troops could die in the conquest of mainland Japan – Operation DOWNFALL. Contrary to the view of numbers of revisionist historians in the post-war period, who have variously argued that the atom bombs were used to prevent Soviet entry into the war against Japan, Francis Pike, author of Hirohito's War, The Pacific War, 1941 – 1945 [Bloomsbury 2015] reaffirms that the nuclear weapon was used for one purpose alone – to bring the war to a speedy end and to save the lives of American troops.     

解读日本作家在侵华战争时期的“文学报国”——关于“国策文学”的考察

七七事变以后,战争空气日渐浓厚。而太平洋战争开始后,日本思想文化上的国家专制达到了登峰造极的地步,甚至于人道主义文学也遭到了打压和否定,部分左翼作家被强令禁止创作。大部分作家作为战地报道员被派遣到各个战地,＂国策＂驱使之下的＂国策文学＂应运而生,称颂战争、鼓吹国家主义的报告文学充斥纸面。日本近代以来树立起的文学独立精神已被摧毁殆尽,文学开始失去了自身应具备的独立性,成为政治的＂御用＂品,作家成了政治宣传的傀儡。本论以石川达三和火野苇平两个作家为例,试图解读日本作家在侵华战争时期的＂文学报国＂,进而对国策文学做一全面考察。     

中日甲午战争与东北亚国际关系的变化

中日甲午战争中清朝的惨败给中国社会带来空前严重的社会危机,大大加深了中国社会半殖民地化的程度。而战胜国日本则国力日益强大,跻身于资本主义列强的行列。甲午战争后,日本的崛起和扩张加剧了东亚地区国家关系的变化,给这一地区的国际关系带来直接而深远的影响。东亚国际秩序由以中国为中心的传统宗藩朝贡体系向近代殖民条约体系转型,中朝日近代新型的国家关系逐渐建立起来,传统的宗藩体系土崩瓦解。本文以中日甲午战争的爆发与传统华夷秩序的瓦解为切入点,探讨甲午战争后东亚传统邻邦中朝日三国新型近代国家关系建立始末及其对三国关系产生的影响。     

“战争罪犯”还是“民族英雄”——以日本战后恢复对军人和战犯的抚恤政策为视角

对军人军属进行抚恤是日本军国主义战争动员的重要内容,日本战败后曾经一度废除。《旧金山和约》签订后,日本政府很快恢复了对不包括战犯在内的复员军人的抚恤、救助工作。在日本遗族会等保守团体的推动和"战犯释放运动"的影响下,经过几次修改,至20世纪50年代中期,日本政府全面恢复了对包括战犯在内的军人军属抚恤工作。无论是刑死还是狱死的"战犯"均被视为因公死亡享受抚恤,战犯服刑期间仍被作为"在职期间"累积计算抚恤年金,服刑期间伤病者另可以享受"伤病抚恤",战争罪犯俨然成了日本的"民族英雄"享受优待。日本政府从立法层面恢复对战犯的抚恤,对日本社会的战争认识和战争记忆的重构产生深刻的影响,也成为此后甲级战犯被靖国神社合祀的社会意识的基础。     

Awkward Talisman: War Memory,Reconciliation and Yasukuni

Yasukuni Shrine resonates with talismanic symbolism for both its critics and proponents and that is precisely why it is so controversial within Japan and between Japan and its neighbors. Controversy over Yasukuni is rooted in the broader historical debate about war memory, responsibility, and reconciliation. Competing narratives about this past send mixed signals to neighbors and prevent reconciliation. Despite Prime Minister Koizumi’s six visits, Yasukuni is an awkward talisman and many Japanese, including conservatives, oppose these visits. The Shrine’s image has been cast and no amount of artful repackaging will obscure its indelible links with Japan’s discredited Imperial ideology and the costs it exacted. The Yasukuni dilemma involves shifting the focal point of official war remembrance away from the Shrine to a secular war memorial where people and officials can pay respect to the war dead free from political agendas and historical baggage.