The Impact of Economic Performance on Electoral Support in Sweden, 1967–1978*

This article investigates the impact of macroeconomic conditions on aggregate political support for governing parties in Sweden over the period 1967–1978. After reviewing survey evidence on the relative salience of economic and fiscal issues to the Swedish electorate, a novel, dynamic model of political support is presented. The model incorporates the ideas that voters evaluate economic performance relatively rather than absolutely, and that governments' mass political support is based on their cumulative performance records. The empirical results supply estimates of the impact of unemployment, inflation, the real income growth rate and the income effects of direct tax and transfer policies on political support. The evidence suggests that the responses of political support to reasonable movements in macroeconomic conditions are large enough to give economic management a pivotal role in electoral shifts.     

Getting to Sweden,Part II: Breaking with Corruption in the Nineteenth Century

Issues about corruption and other forms of ‘bad government’ have become central in large parts of the social sciences. An unresolved question, however, is how countries can solve the issue of systemic corruption. In this article, based on Elinor Ostrom's theory of common pool resource appropriation, a new theoretical model for explaining this type of institutional change is developed. Sweden during the nineteenth century is used as an illustration of the model by showing how the country made a transition from being largely patrimonial, nepotistic and corrupt to a modern, Weberian, efficient and impartial state structure. Building upon a companion article about the importance of losing a war as a precondition for breaking systematic corruption, this article stresses the importance of three additional factors in Sweden: previous changes in courts and the legal system; recognition of the problem by the main contemporary political actors as shown in debates in the Diet; and the new liberal ideology that made an important impact on the Swedish political scene during this period.     

惩防体系的软肋：国企腐败的制度依赖性透视

国企腐败是中国最大的腐败。政治与经济双重体制的逆向挤压是国企腐败高发的动因。一方面，国家对国有企业的监管依旧是以行政化手段为主，自上而下的公权力对国有企业起到决定性作用，而国企正是依赖这种公权力，获得民营企业无法企及的超额垄断利益。另一方面，国有企业具有市场经济主体的属性，在国家监管、社会责任与公益目的极度弱化的情况下，多元化的经济行为和经营方式又成为其谋取私利的重要途径。瓦解国企强势既得利益集团谋利行为在于分类监管。公益性类企业的监管模式应当摒弃市场化监管手段，实行以政府监管为主、社会民主监督为辅助的监督模式；对竞争性国企应确立“非禁即准入”原则，建立国有资产退出机制。从根本上说，国企腐败治理关键在于瓦解国企腐败所依赖的制度环境，以全面改革代替局部改革，以制度创新代替制度修补。     

Look to Sweden: The Making of a New Renewable Energy Support Scheme in Norway

Two renewable energy support schemes have spread across Europe: green certificate schemes (GCSs) and feed‐in tariffs (FITs). After a decade‐long policy‐making process, Norwegian decision makers decided in 2011 to adopt a GCS compatible with the already existing one in Sweden and thereby establish a joint Norwegian‐Swedish GCS. The article explores this process of policy transfer, and asks to what extent competition and policy learning contributed to Norway's choice of a GCS. It finds that competition was a barrier to a joint Norwegian‐Swedish GCS rather than (as predicted by some scholars) a driver of policy transfer. In terms of policy learning, it finds that Norwegian bureaucrats systematically were searching for information about renewable energy policy instruments in a process characterised by rational learning. However, this information was not taken into account by elected policy makers, whose learning was unsystematic and almost exclusively influenced by Sweden – making it a process of bounded learning. Finally, domestic factors that facilitated and constrained the policy transfer process are identified in the article. A reluctant bureaucracy defending the status quo policies constrained the policy transfer process. GCS as a market‐based instrument independent of yearly allocations over the annual national budgets facilitated the process by securing strong support in a broad coalition of stakeholder groups and thereby cross‐partisan support. The latter finding may contribute to the literature by underscoring the importance of domestic political factors.     

Mass Political Support in Sweden: Retesting a Political-Economic Model

This paper tests a model of mass political support for Sweden, 1967–1974. The model is composed of two economic variables (the Consumer Price Index and assessments of the short-run employment situation) and two non-economic variables (media criticism of government and media pessimism). The model performs very well, accounting for approximately two-thirds of the variance in the popularity of the governing party, the Social Democrats. The most impressive showing is made by the unemployment variable, but the Consumer Price Index and media criticism also make important contributions. Concluding discussion centers on the implications of these findings for our understanding of Swedish politics and for the validity of political-economic models of mass political support.     

遏制"吏治腐败"刍议

反腐败斗争必须突出重点，下大力气解决危害最烈、群众反映最大的问题。江泽民在《努 力建设高素质的干部队伍》的讲话中指出，用人方面的腐败现象在党内外影响极坏、危害极 大，必须严格整肃，坚决惩治。他还以史为鉴、告诫全党，“历史上的腐败现象，为害最烈 的是吏治的腐败，由于卖官鬻爵及其带来和助长的其他腐败现象，造成‘人亡政息’、王朝 覆灭的例子，在中国封建社会是屡见不鲜的，这种历史的教训值得我们注意”。进入21世纪 ，我们党正在经历着严峻的考验，如何使选人用人上的不正之风和腐败现象得到有效遏制， 事关建设高素质干…     

治理腐败的根本途径——制度创新

本文通过对腐败产生的客观基础和原因分析，阐明制度的差异决定腐败程度的差异。认为中国的腐败，属于制度性缺陷腐败。根据我国经济体制和政治体制的制度缺陷，提出通过不能为、不必为、不敢为、不愿为的制度创新综合治理腐败。一、腐败产生的客观基础腐败作为一种社会现象，它存在于历史上各种阶级社会和各种不同社会制度的国家之中。人们常说的腐败包括很多种行为，比如，行贿受贿、官倒、挪用公款、贪污、用公款吃喝嫖赌、公费旅游等等。纵观种种所谓腐败行为，它们都有一个共同点，即具有经济人特征的代理人凭借委托人授予的权力，用非…     

反海外腐败的法律与制度：国际比较与中国方案

反海外腐败是当前全球反腐败领域的热点问题,也是治理腐败的难点问题。全球范围内的国际组织与不同国家和地区先后制定出台了相关的法律与制度,尽管这些法律与制度各不相同,但是基本都遵循了一定的国际背景和本国本地区背景,对这些法律与制度进行国际比较研究对于中国来说具有重要的借鉴价值。面对当前反海外腐败的形势与任务,中国应当坚定反腐败制度体系的高度自信,从完善反海外腐败的相关法律制度、推动中国跨国企业建立有效的合规管理制度体系、增强中国建立国际性反腐败制度文件的话语权等方面着力,全面提升反海外腐败的治理能力。     

The Effect of Political Participation and Village Support on Farmers Happiness

Journal of Chinese Political Science - This paper explores the internal transmission mechanism and influence of political participation and village support on farmers’ happiness based on an...     

The Green Breakthrough in Sweden

Based on survey data from the Swedish Election Studies Program, the green breakthrough in Sweden is assessed. In the parliamentary election of 1988, for the first time in 70 years, a new party, the Greens, succeeded in getting representation in the Swedish Riksdag . The future situation of the Greens is very precarious, however. The analysis shows that the party's voters tend to belong to highly volatile groups in the Swedish electorate (young, big city, white collar). Furthermore, the Greens have to confront many different issue publics on environmental issues since a coherent green dimension structuring ordinary people's opinions on environmental issues has not yet developed in Sweden. The alternative green dimension is still to a very large extent an elite phenomenon in Swedish politics.     

反腐防腐必须治理“协腐、容腐、羡腐“行为

协助腐败、容允腐败、羡慕腐败是腐败滋生蔓延的温床.民主化程度不高、法制不健全所导致的政治冷漠是"协腐、容腐、羡腐"行为产生的主要原因.治理"协腐、容腐、羡腐"行为,要着力培养全社会的共同政治理想,加快政治民主化进程,大力加强法制建设和廉洁文化建设.     

Public Support for Corporate Social Responsibility in the Welfare State: Evidence from Sweden

Several scholars have claimed that we are currently witnessing a growing saliency of so‐called ‘corporate social responsibility’ (CSR). Yet, while there is a lot of work suggesting that public opinion might prompt firms to behave in socially responsible ways, there is a lack of empirical studies exploring the extent ordinary to which citizens actually support CSR. Moreover, the state is conventionally theorised as the main institutional device for governing markets and their social consequences, and there is a growing literature exploring the relationship between CSR and the state. On the basis of these observations, this article juxtaposes public attitudes towards CSR and state intervention in the market. Considering that attitudes might vary across groups with different structural relationships to the firm, this study also looks at the social bases of support for different attitude profiles. Using Swedish survey data collected in 2011 and latent class analysis, the empirical results demonstrate that most Swedes in favour of CSR are highly supportive of state intervention in the market. The study of social cleavages restates this pattern: social groups with fewer marketable resources are strongly over‐represented in supporting a combination of CSR and state intervention in the market. No clear social profile is found for the relatively small group of people who support CSR but not state intervention. It is concluded that voluntary CSR is unlikely to offer a serious full‐scale alternative to the welfare state: Swedes continue to think of public authorities as the ultimate institutional guarantor of social welfare.     

更腐倡廉制度建设的几点思考

加强反腐倡廉制度建设,既是提高我们党执政能力的迫切要求,也是完善惩治和预防腐败体系的核心内容,更是从源头上预防腐败的治本之策和必由之路。制度建设在惩防体系中处于核心保障地位,是建立健全和有效发挥惩防体系作用的关键因素。改革开放以来,各地各部门积极探索反腐倡廉制度建设的新路,形成了一大批制度规定,但仍然存在一些不足。反腐倡廉制度建设需要上升到国家战略层面,要在全党进一步形成动手抓制度建设的生动局面。同时,制度建设还需要进一步增强层次性、针对性、创新性和执行力。     

The Loss of Governance Capacity through Corruption

Corruption manifests itself in many ways and at different levels. Corrupt behavior causes outrage to victims and those who value civil society, it impedes good government and administrative practice. The policy challenge in reducing corruption is to identify the component parts of corrupt behavior and the risk–reward profiles of offenders. This exploratory article begins this process by reporting data from 100 successfully prosecuted cases from New York City. The article analyzes data on varying degrees of corruption in service provision in New York City. The loss to the city is much more a loss of governance capacity than it is a monetary loss.     

Electoral Politics and The Corporate System: The Question of Support*

Much analysis has pointed to the impact of interest organisations on policy-making. This paper focuses on the importance of interest organisations at the mass level. The sympathies of citizens for parties and interest organisations are compared, and it is shown (a) that organisations more often than parties are 'neutral objects'; for the citizens and (b) that most citizens — even members of the organisations — rate parties higher than they do interest organisations. Finally, it is shown that organisational membership only has a small impact on political views in a policy field (labour market relations), which should be highly relevant for the organisations. In sum, interest organisations have hardly at the mass level replaced parties as main objects of affection and orientation.     

中国特色惩治和预防腐败体系的理论渊源

中国特色惩治和预防腐败体系是当今国际社会独树一帜的中国国家廉政体系。该体系理论的形成是当代中国反腐败实践经验的科学总结,是党和政府反腐倡廉理论和实践的重大创新,它不仅体现了我国市场经济发展的客观要求,也顺应了国际社会反腐败斗争的发展潮流。马克思主义唯物辩证法、中国特色社会主义防治腐败理论、系统论科学等构成了其理论渊源;当代中国的反腐败实践是中国特色惩治和预防腐败体系理论形成的经验基础;中华文明的整体思维是中国特色惩治和预防腐败体系理论的传统文化渊源;学习和借鉴国际社会注重预防腐败和建构国家廉政体系的新理念是中国特色惩治和预防腐败体系理论的时代精神和现代元素。