农村困难家庭危房改造政策的绩效评价——以浙江杭州为例

农村困难家庭危房改造是由农村低保危房家庭自愿提出申请,政府予以补助,采用新建、改建、扩建、修缮、置换、租用等方式实行住房救助的一项公共政策。本文通过国内外公共政策绩效评估方法回顾,结合农村困难家庭危房改造绩效表达的特殊性,从直接绩效和带动绩效两个维度,采用综合分析和民意调查相结合的方法,比较分析各利益相关者的目标实现程度和带动效应。直接绩效主要表现在救助受益面扩大,改造任务超额完成;公平公正凸现,最困难群众得到优先救助;居住条件改善,困难家庭居住品质明显提高;惠民政策整合,困难家庭建房负担减轻;工作机制创新,危房改造政策绩效显现。带动效应主要表现为促进了困难群众就业增收,密切了党群关系,促进了社会和谐,加快了城乡一体化进程。但是,由于危房改造面对的是农村最困难的群体,工作推进难度大,需要解决的矛盾多,需要采取相应措施进一步完善。     

Refocusing the lens: Drinking water success in First Nations in Ontario

This article examines the definition of success in First Nations drinking water service as voiced by the First Nations technical community of practice. The research explores success stories to identify success themes and factors to formulate a workable definition for policy‐makers. Researchers interviewed sixteen technical practitioners in Ontario using a semi‐structured approach. Data analysis revealed a definition of success that extends beyond the technical boundary to include professional growth, employment, local action and a facilitating policy environment. This comprehensive definition provides a basis for policy and program considerations to increase First Nations buy‐in and foster a constructive environment for drinking water improvements.     

Local government,multilevel governance,and cluster‐based innovation policy: Economic cluster strategies in Canada’s city regions

This article examines the relationship between local government economic development policy and multilevel governance, and investigates whether multilevel governance can be effectively implemented in key sectors, using two case studies of the aerospace and fashion sectors. This article seeks to answer the following questions: What inhibits the formation of multilevel collaborative governance institutions in these sectors? What implications does this have for urban economic development policy for the City of Toronto, and by extension, other cities across Canada? The case study evidence suggests that these institutions are forming in other cities such as Montreal and contributing to their success. So why is Toronto different?     

The rise and fall of policy planning and research units: organizational perspective

Abstract. Some observers have suggested the success of policy planning and research units depends upon the receptivity of the political system to rationality. Others have put forward personality traits such as ‘flair’ and ‘diplomatic style’ as the major determinants of policy unit effectiveness. Neither of these would seem to provide an adequate explanation for the Canadian experience. This paper concentrates on the profile which a policy unit might assume in any given organization. A two-dimensional model is presented based on the degree of initiative and the degree of visibility of policy units. Against the background of the model, the experience of these units in the Canadian federal bureaucracy suggests that while most start as highly visible and proactive, they later tend toward being invisible and reactive. With a view to the future, a distinction is made between the policy development function and the policy unit. If policy development and analysis is to survive, greater use must be made of a task force approach. If permanent policy units are to survive and be effective, they should adopt a modest role and profile. Sommaire. Daprks certains observateurs, le succhs des services de recherche et de planification depend de la rkceptivitk du systkme politique A la rationalitk. D'autres considkr nt que des traits de caractkre tels que le a flair n ou le a style diplomatique n sont les klements dkterminants de l'efficacitb de ces services. Aucune de ces dew hypothhses ne semble expliquer totalement l'experience canadienne. L'auteur de cet expose centre ses observations sur le profil n que ces services de recherche et de planification pourraient adopter dans une organisation donnee. I1 offre un modkle bi-dimensionnel bask sur le degrd d'initiative et le degre de singularit6 de ces services. En utilisant ce modhle, l'analyse du fonctionnement de ces services dans la bureaucratie fkdkrale canadienne semble ind quer que la plupart d'entre eux sont remarquables et font preuve de beaucoup d'initiative au dkpart mais qu'ils tendent A devenir invisibles et rkactifs par la suite. Pour l'avenir, l'auteur sugghre de distinguer entre la fonction d'klaboration de politiques et le service de recherche et de planification. D'aprhs h i, si nous voulons que cette fonction d'elaboration et d'analyse des politiques survive, il faudra gkneraliser l'approche a groupe de travail m. De plus, si les services permanents de planification et de recherche dksirent survivre et être efficaces, ils devront adopter un rdle et un profil modestes.     

The privatization of housing assistance: Are housing allowances eroding government accountability?

A major change in the low‐income housing sector across nations has been the introduction of housing allowances (or vouchers/benefits) typically used on private rental markets. This change is a fundamental shift from post‐war housing policy when government was a main provider through publicly owned housing. This “privatization” is usually associated with the New Public Management. This article addresses this policy change and discusses the implications for the accountability of governments in Quebec, British Columbia, and Alberta. This article argues that the policy shift from in‐kind to in‐cash has not eroded accountability due to the distinctiveness of housing assistance, compared to other social programs. Actors involved in the housing community continue to challenge governments with regard to consumption subsidies, emphasizing their flaws and imperfections. The argument is empirically probed through a comparative analysis over 50 years, drawing on government archival records and housing advocates’ publications.     

An expert-generated tool for assessing policy capacity

“Policy capacity” describes the ability of policy-making systems to do quality work. Better-quality policy work leads to more successful policies. There have been limited attempts to operationalize theoretical understanding of policy capacity, resulting in a lack of shared understanding and assessment metrics. In this Delphi study, health policy experts validated an existing multidimensional conceptual framework for policy capacity. Factors that contribute to policy success were identified and rated to represent aspects of policy capacity, and arranged within the conceptual framework, as were factor indicators. The resulting tool provides expert-generated items for transparently and systematically assessing policy capacity.     

Are non‐government policy actors being heard? Assessing New Public Governance in three Canadian provinces

This article is based on select results taken from a survey of NGO and provincial government policy workers. The purpose is to provide an empirically based assessment of how government and non‐government policy workers engage with one another in the policy process. The data suggest that policy co‐construction and co‐production are a significant feature of the process but there is some need for nuance. The data presented here indicate that the extent of policy engagement may not be as broadly inclusive as the proponents of New Governance suggest.     

Assessing policy capacity in Canada's public services: Perspectives of deputy and assistant deputy ministers

Abstract: The state of policy capacity within Canada's various levels of government has for some time been the subject of discussion both within the public services themselves and among the academic research community. Drawing on the results of a 2006 survey of deputy and assistant deputy ministers working in Canada's federal, ten provincial and three territorial governments, this article presents assessments made by the most senior leadership. The survey results show that ninety per cent of deputy ministers and assistant deputy ministers agree that policy capacity has changed but that the change is not uni‐directional. Both improvements and decline in policy capacity were observed, although assessments of decline were somewhat more pronounced. Moreover, improvements in policy capacity were found to be associated with a reduced focus on direct service delivery, a greater concern with long‐term planning, and the presence of a political leadership interested in innovation. Conversely, declining policy capacity was found to be linked to centralization of power, the loss of institutional memory, and “churning” within the ranks of the executive leadership. Additionally, level of government was also observed to be linked with change in policy capacity, with provincial deputies reflecting more negatively on policy capacity decline in their government than deputies at other levels.     

Contemporary Canadian federal information policy

Abstract: In this overview of the status of Canadian federal information policy current initiatives are examined against a background of historical context. The politics of access (the Privacy and Access to Information acts), policy development, and policy implementation provide the main points of focus for discussion. Relationships between the Canadian private sector information industry and the government are considered, particularly in respect to policy implementation. The Canadian information environment is such that the government views the information that it produces as a corporate resource. As such, government information is seen as too valuable to be left unmanaged. The question facing government policy-makers is how to manage the people's information without precluding the people's access to it. There is discussion as well of the undercurrent of frustration among policy-makers outside the Treasury Board who perceive that an inordinate amount of time is spent studying problems rather than making progress towards practical solutions. The question is raised and examined as to whether such intense and protracted interest in government information issues reflects their importance or government impotence. Finally, some matters are offered for future consideration as Canada moves towards the policy implementation and evolution phases in its quest for an effective and well-rounded national information and communications policy. Sommaire: Dans cet aperçu général de I'état de la politiyue canadienne fédérale d'in-formation, les auteurs présentent les initiatives actiielles siir line toile de fond histori-que. Leur analyse a pour objet principal les politiques d'accès à I'information (lois sur la vie privée et I'accès h I'information), ainsi clue P élaboration et I'instauration de ces politiyues. Les auteurs s'intéresseiit aux relations entre I'industrie de I'informatioii du secteur privé canadien et le gouvernement. tout particulièrement au niveau de la mise à exécution des politiyues. Le monde canadieii de I'information est tel yiie le gouvernemeiit considère I'information yu'il produit coinme tine ressoiirce goiiverneineiitale. À ce titre, l'information goiiveriiemeiitale s'avère bien trop précieuse pour lie pas être gérée. La question qui se pose aux responsables des politiyues gouvernenientales est alors la suivante: comment gérer I'information sans empêcher ceux et celles qu'elle concerne d'y avoir accês. Les auteurs se penchent également sur les frustrations qui apparaissent chez les responsables des politiques, à I'extérieur du Conseil du Trésor, du fait qu'à leur avis I'on passe beaucoup trop de temps àétudier les probèmes au lieu de progresser vers des solutions concrètes. Un intérêt aussi intense et prolongé pour les questions soulevées par I'information gouvernementale traduit-il I'importance de ces questions, ou reflète-t-il I'impuissance du gouvernement? Les auteurs examinent cette question. Enfin, ils proposent plusieurs thèmes qui mériteront réflexion à I'avenir, alors que le Canada entre dans les phases de I'application et de I'évolution de ses politiques, dans sa quête plus large d'une politique nationale judicieuse en matière d'information et de communication. Bruce Morton is associate professor and assistant dean of lihraries at Montana State University, Bozeman. mt Steven D. Zink is professor and assistant university lilmrian at the University of Nevada. Reno, nv . The authors are associate editor and editor-in-chief respectively of the journal Government Publications Review (Pergamon Press). Research for this study was funded by a 1989 faculty research grant from the Canadian emhassy, Washington. DC. We would like to express our special gratitude to nuinerous Canadian government officials, only some of whom are cited in this paper. who took time from busy sclietlules to speak openly and at length with us about information policy issues. Our thanks also to Canadians Ken Rubin. Rolwrt Gibson, and Gordon Grahame.     

The composition of municipal associations and policy requests to provincial governments: Selected cases

Municipal associations lobby senior levels of government for legislative changes. This article tests how the composition and size of municipal associations affects such policy requests for provincial programs or funding transfers by examining four Canadian associations in BC, Nova Scotia and two in Alberta between 1999 and 2013. The findings suggest that associations with more homogeneous member populations lobby primarily for provincial programs; those with more heterogeneous member populations are more likely to lobby for funds to enact municipal programs. This suggests that the collective intergovernmental lobbying of local government associations is influenced by the internal composition of members as well as the political norms and the external environment.     

Planning without guidance: Canadian defence policy and planning, 1993–2004

Abstract: The decade between the release of Canada's 1994 White Paper on Defence and its 2005 International Policy Statement was a period of crisis within the Canadian Forces. The Forces' operational tempo increased significantly even as the defence budget was cut by a quarter. Defence issues were perceived to have very little profile in Ottawa, and military officers felt their concerns were not being heard. Despite rapid changes in the global security environment, dramatic budget cuts, and frequent deployments, the government failed to update its policy guidance to reflect these new challenges. However, the Canadian Forces gradually learned to survive in the absence of political guidance. Defence planners initiated a number of reforms aimed at anticipating future missions, preserving combat capabilities, and winning more resources. Drawing on a series of interviews with senior military officers and civilian officials at the Department of National Defence and a reading of the relevant literature on Canadian defence policy and strategic planning, the author examines the process of adaptation, focusing particular attention on the adoption of capabilities-based planning for resource allocation and mitigating risk. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these developments for civil–military relations in Canada and presents a case for institutional reform.     

The fiscal analysis of policy outputs

Abstract. Major studies, including those by Dye, Pryor and Wilensky, have found that the independent influence of political variables on public policy has been weak by comparison with socio-economic factors. Perhaps the most crucial test of that weakness is the impact of party ideology on policy-making. The results of that impact are manifested in the financial decisions documented in published statements of government revenue and expenditure. Within the Canadian context, the presence of democratic socialist governments at the provincial level provides opportunities for comparing the impact of varying ideologies upon public policy outputs. This study examines the democratic socialist government in office in Manitoba between 1969 and 1977 and compares its performance with non-socialist governments both at other times within Manitoba and in other Canadian provinces. The financial data examined suggest that the total growth of government did not appear to be related at all to party ideology while the revenue base and expenditure patterns did shift somewhat, although not dramatically and not out of line with changes occurring elsewhere at the same time. Finally, the dependence of the provincial government on federal financial supports and policy initiatives and on private borrowing was discussed as it affected a social democratic provincial government. Sommaire. Des études importantes, dont celles de Dye, Pryor et Wilensky, ont montre que l'influence independante des variables politiques sur la politique officielle a été faible si on la compare a celle des facteurs socio-economiques. Peut-6tre que la preuve la plus probante de cette faiblesse est 1'impact de l'ideologie partisane sur la determination des politiques. Les resultats de cet impact apparaissent dans les decisions financieres, telles qu'etay^es dans les etats de revenus et depenses gouvernementaux publies. Dans le contexte canadien, la presence, au niveau provincial, des gouverne-ments sociaux-democrates donne des occasions de comparer 1'impact des dif-ferentes ideologies sur les resultats des politiques officielles. Cette 6tude porte sur le gouvernement social-democrate au pouvoir, au Manitoba, entre 1969 et 1977 et compare ses performances avec celles des gouvernements non-socialistes a d'autrès périodes au Manitoba et dans d'autrès provinces canadiennes. Les donnes financieres examinees laissent a penser que la croissance totale du gouvernement ne semble pas dependre du tout de l'ideologie partisane, tandis que la base de revenus et les scenarios de depenses se sont quelque peu deplaces mais neanmoins pas de facon spectaculaire et sans entrainer des changements très differents de ceux qui ont eu lieu ailleurs, a la meme epoque. Finalement, l'auteur considere l'impact sur un gouvemement provincial social-democrate, de sa de-pendance par rapport a l'appui financier et aux initiatives politiques du gouvemement fede>al ainsi que par rapport aux emprunts du secteur prive.     

The permanence of temporary services: The reliance of Canadian federal departments on policy and management consultants

The use of external consultants in government management and policy realms has drawn increasing attention in many countries including Canada. Studies were undertaken internationally in the 1990s and 2000s as legislatures and their accounting arms became concerned with the hidden costs of “corporatization” of the public service and tried to expand benchmarking measures for government efficiency to include external consultants. Accounting for these increases in expenditures on consultancy, however, remains a challenge given the state of governmental financial and personnel reporting. The data on which existing reports have been drawn are very weak. This article examines results using a new dataset compiled from Proactive Disclosure reports in order to help clarify the situation of policy and management consulting in Canada at the departmental level.     

我国大学生创业中存在的问题及对策分析

文章从创业者自身和创业环境两个层面进行分析，认为大学生自身创业准备不充分、经验与风险意识缺乏、高校的创业教育及政府支持大学生创业的政策未构成体系等是造成大学生创业成功率低的主要原因。破解大学生创业难的问题，一方面需要引导大学生做好充分的创业准备，选择合理的创业方式，组建高效的创业团队；另一方面高校要加强对大学生的创业教育和指导，同时政府要为创业者提供完善的帮扶政策和公共服务。     

Measuring parentage policy in the Canadian provinces: A comparative framework

This paper develops a framework to measure parentage policy based on the legal barriers faced by intended parents, taking into account eligibility requirements, rules for genetic relationships, and surrogacy contract enforceability. It then applies this framework to the Canadian provinces. While parentage policy in Canada is undoubtedly a patchwork, policy change has moved in an increasingly permissive direction, often as a result of litigation. Moreover, this study provides an opportunity to develop broader research project for comparative scholars of parentage policy. Future studies of parentage policy, building from the framework developed here, should qualitatively examine the role of policy implementers other than legislatures and determine how policy learning and transfer affect parentage policy change. Because parentage policy can provide legal certainty for parents and prevent legal disputes, understanding the factors behind policy change is an endeavour with both theoretical and practical significance.     

论我国的非政府组织及其在公共服务领域的运作

我国非政府组织以社会团体、行业协会、民办非企业单位、国办非企业单位的形式存在,具有组织性、民间性及准政府性、公益性或非营利性、自治性的特征。我国非政府组织可以成为政府与社会互动的桥梁,在弥补政府、社会、市场不足,提高公共服务水平等方面发挥重要作用。我国非政府组织通过寻找服务空间、参与决策、降低政府服务成本、加入公共服务过程、协助政府完善公共服务等途径参与社会的公共服务。     

陕西人力资源开发与政策环境研究

陕西人力资源开发过程中,存在科研开发市场转化率低,人力资源社会化管理不够规范,人才市场化政府归位不足,市场化环境建设滞后等问题。陕西人力资源开发,必须实行开发与使用并重,以政府为人力政策制度制定的主导,加强人才政策执行的科学性,完善人事制度改革,建立并完善人才政策法规体系。     

完善国家扶贫战略和政策体系的宏观思考

十七届三中全会和五中全会都对＂完善国家扶贫战略和政策体系＂提出了明确要求。国家扶贫包括政府扶贫（政府扶贫机构扶贫和政府所属各部门扶贫）和社会扶贫（社会非政府组织扶贫和财富拥有者扶贫）。＂完善国家扶贫战略和政策体系＂要将政府扶贫和社会扶贫统一起来。战略目标：缩小发展差距,促进社会和谐;战略重点：不断提高扶贫对象的自我发展能力;战略措施：构建＂大扶贫＂格局;政策体系：政府的职能责任、民营组织的社会责任和全社会志愿精神的统一;特殊政策：加大对特殊地区的扶持力度。     

One step forward,one step back: Quebec's 2003–04 health and social services regionalization policy

Abstract: This article focuses on Quebec's most recent reform in the regionalization of health care to understand why the government chose to transform the regional boards into agencies. This case study used interviews and documentary analysis. Rooted in a political science perspective, the conceptual framework is inspired by the work of John Kingdon (1995) and draws on the four variables that influence the choice of policy: ideas, interests, institutions and events. Results of the case study suggest that Quebec's Commission of Study for Health and Social Services (the Clair Commission) in 2000 and the 2002 pre-electoral environment put the issue on the agenda. In 2003, the newly elected Liberal government passed Bill 25 – An Act Respecting Local Health and Social Services Network Development Agencies, which represented a political compromise: originally slated for eradication, the regional tier survived but in a new form. The element that sparked reform was the change in government following the elections. Different inquiry reports spread the reform's ideas, while interest groups articulated contrasting visions on the transformation. Above all, regional institutions showed great resilience in the face of change. From a historical perspective, this regionalization policy is a step backward: the regional tier is now stronger from a managerial and technocratic point of view, but it is politically and democratically weakened. This suggests a government intention, at that time, to maintain the regional level as a means of retaining centralized control over Quebec's health-care system.