Battered women who kill their abusers: an examination of commonsense notions, cognitions, and judgments

It has been argued that battered women who kill their abusers represent a special class of defendants being unfairly treated in the legal system. As a result, commentators have argued for reforms to permit the judicial system to respond more fairly. Researchers have investigated the influences of these prescribed legal modifications and the possible influence of various demographic and psychological factors on legal reforms. However, social scientists have not yet asked some fundamental, psychological questions. Is the law consistent with what society believes is right and just? Is there a commonsense notion of justice in these cases? What factors constitute cognitive decision rules and influence judgments in cases of battered women who kill their abusers? This study uses a basic, psychological method to identify psychological factors that are important in judgments regarding battered women who kill and to better understand commonsense notions of justice in these cases.     

Like Ships That Pass in the Night: AFDC Policy and Battered Women

Research confirms that significant numbers of AFDC‐eligible women are currently or formerly battered women. Policymakers intent on turning AFDC into a successful program of transitional assistance should not ignore this fact, for to do so would place battered women and their children at risk for serious harm, and insure the failure of welfare reform. AFDC policy re‐crafted in light of this data should prioritize safety for battered women and children; early assessment of the needs of applicants and recipients; recovery from the effects of violence; flexibility in setting program requirements; and integrated systems of service for battered women and their children. By responding in these ways, governments can empower battered women to move with integrity from lives gripped by violence and the aftermath of violence to lives of safety and independence.     

Counseling services for battered women: a comparison of outcomes for physical and sexual assault survivors

Approximately 15% of married or cohabiting women and as many as 60% of battered women are raped at least once by their partners. This study compared community-based counseling outcomes of battered women with outcomes of women who were both raped and battered by their partners. Over time, both groups improved in wellbeing and coping. Although those both battered and raped progressed more in counseling, they had lower scores before and after counseling compared to women who were battered only. Implications for research and intervention are discussed.     

A Feminist Critique of Self-Defense and Provocation in Battered Women's Cases in England and Wales

This paper critically examines the law of self-defense and provocation in cases where battered women kill their partners. It is argued that neither self-defense nor provocation adequately recognizes the situation most battered women find themselves in, and the present criteria for both defenses reflects this inadequacy. Legal advocates and supporters of battered women who kill have thus sought to find alternative strategies for battered women's defense cases. One of these has been the introduction of expert evidence on the battered woman syndrome. This paper will consider the implications of introducing the battered woman syndrome into the English legal system.     

Social Bridges Falling Down: Reconstructing a ‘Troublesome Population’ of Battered Women through Individual Responsibilization Strategies

The Bridges work preparation program is a deliberate government-sponsored strategy to help and empower battered women to take responsibility for their own lives. However, while the Bridges program promotes the freedom to make choices, in reality there is little choice when powerful governments coerce battered women to align their personal choices with government goals. The Bridges work preparation program presents ultimatums to powerless women in the same way that male batterers present ultimatums to their female victims. Ultimatums to battered women in order to stay in the Bridges program are that they take individual responsibility to be free of their abusers, to be alcohol and drug free, to have their children in day care, and to be motivated to get employment. The Bridges program arguably puts too much responsibility on individual battered women to extricate themselves from the everyday lives of assault and violence and distances government from its social responsibility for helping battered women. In order to help battered women, governments must engage in social programs assisting them to relocate from one welfare office to another and assist with day care, transportation, and cash. This assistance will make disengaging from batterers a real alternative. Otherwise, alternatives for battered women are dependence on batterers or dependence on the state for social assistance.     

Battered woman and public opinion: Some realities about the myths

Expert testimony regarding the battered woman syndrome is often presented at trial on behalf of women charged with killing their batterers. Where courts have admitted such testimony into evidence, they have done so on the theory that the testimony is needed to dispel common myths regarding battered women—e.g., erroneous beliefs that battered women are masochists, who are somehow responsible for the battering they suffer and could avoid being battered by simply leaving their batterers. To date, however, there is no published empirical evidence that either jurors or members of the public at large hold such erroneous beliefs. The results of this study provide empirical support for the judicial hypothesis. These results suggest that many members of the general public eligible for jury duty do, in fact, hold erroneous, stereotyped beliefs about battered women.     

Incarcerated Battered Women: A Comparison of Battered Women Who Killed Their Abusers and Those Incarcerated for Other Offenses

The present study compared battered women incarcerated for killing/seriously assaulting their abusers with battered women incarcerated for other offenses to explore possible similarities and differences in the characteristics and experiences of the two groups as well as to determine what factors may lead some battered women to use lethal force against their partners. Comparisons were made on a number of variables including sociodemographic factors, characteristics of the battering relationship, alcohol/drug use of battered women and their abusers, perceived social support, actions taken to end the violence, prior criminal behaviors, and childhood trauma factors. Findings revealed that women in the homicide/assault group were older, in the relationship longer and experienced a longer duration of violence in this relationship. They also experienced more frequent and severe battering, including sex assaults and sustained more injuries than those in the comparison group. Further, battered women who killed/seriously assaulted their partners were more likely to believe that their lives were in danger, were less likely to use violence against their partners, and were less likely to have a prior criminal record or to have served time previously. The implications of the findings are discussed.     

Distress resulting from perceivers' own intimate partner violence experiences predicts culpability attributions toward a battered woman on trial for killing her abuser: a path model

Intimate partner violence (IPV) constitutes the majority of assaults against women in the United States, and greater than one third of female homicide victims are murdered by an intimate partner. In a small percentage of cases, battered women kill their abusers, and evidence of battering and its effects may be used to support a plea of self-defense in these cases. Prior research has shown that culpability attributions toward battered women who have killed their abusers are influenced by perceiver variables, including gender. The present study expands on this research by examining the influence of psychological distress resulting from perceivers' own IPV experiences--and the mechanisms of this influence--on their culpability attributions toward a battered woman defendant. Female undergraduates in the present sample (N = 154) read a vignette, adapted from an actual criminal case about a battered woman who had killed her abuser. Data supported a hypothesized path model, wherein participants reporting greater psychological distress resulting from IPV perpetrated against them perceived themselves more similar to the defendant, in turn empathized with her to a greater extent, and, in turn, attributed less legal culpability to her. Implications for future research are discussed.     

An Ecological Study of Nonresidential Services for Battered Women Within a Comprehensive Community Protocol for Domestic Violence

This paper is an ecological study of services provided to 392 battered women under a comprehensive domestic violence protocol. It focuses on microsystemic interactions between battered women and battered women's services and legal systems. We examine the relationships between women's receipt of services from a battered women's agency, receipt of protective orders, and completion of prosecution of batterers. We also explore the associations between women's receipt of services and protective orders and their partners' subsequent arrests and police contacts. We use open-ended interviews with battered women and with staff of the battered women's agency to expand and illustrate the quantitative data. The analysis shows that when a woman received battered women's services or had a protective order, a completed court case was more likely and numbers of arrests rose. We found that these associations were strongest when women received both battered women's services and at least one protective order.     

Pathways of Victimization and Resistance: Toward a Feminist Theory of Battered Women’s Help‐Seeking

Although intimate partner abuse has been extensively researched over the last thirty years, battered women’s help‐seeking remains perplexingly undertheorized, particularly within criminology. This analysis aims to offer a corrective by applying the feminist pathways theoretical model—which examines women’s and girls’ offending behaviors in the context of their past victimization experiences—to battered women’s help‐seeking. Data from in‐depth life history interviews with 22 battered women in two states indicate that the women’s childhood victimization experiences informed their adult help‐seeking decisions in meaningful ways. The primary theoretical contribution of this analysis is the identification of specific mechanisms—five help‐seeking inhibitors and three help‐seeking promoters—through which childhood victimization influenced participants’ help‐seeking. Results of this analysis demonstrate the benefit of a feminist pathways theoretical model of battered women’s help‐seeking in order to better understand how pathways of victimization and resistance develop over the course of women’s lives.     

The impact of specific battering experiences on the self-esteem of abused women

This study examined the self-esteem of 48 women who were identified as battered and compared them to a group of 48 nonbattered women. As expected, the group of battered women experienced lower self-esteem than the nonbattered women. Four clusters of battering experiences were also identified: Physical Abuse, Emotional/Controlling Abuse, Sexual/Emotional Abuse, and Miscellaneous Abuse. Analyses indicated that Emotional/Controlling abuse was the only abuse cluster that was significantly related to lower self-esteem. The findings suggest that abuse that is controlling in nature might play a significant role in the feelings of powerlessness and hopelessness noted in battered women and may contribute to the difficulty that some battered women have in terminating their abusive relationships.     

Battered wives,lawyers, and district attorneys: An examination of law in action

The legal services received by 146 Milwaukee women who had been beaten by their husbands, but had been free of the violence for at least a year, are described and evaluated. Of these women 106 recieved legal help in connection with at least one battering incident. Some women saw more than one member of the legal profession, so the total number of legal contacts among the 106 women was 255. There is evidence that lawyers and district attorneys were most likely to be used by those battered women for whom the use of personal strategies and informal help sources (such as family and friends) were ineffective in combatting the violence. Contrary to the negative image of lawyers and district attorneys found in the literature on wife beating, most legal service contracts were rated as very or fairly successful by the battered women. The more difficult and severe the situation, the higher the success ratings given to lawyers and district attorneys by their clients. Despite the generally positive reactions that most beaten women had to lawyers and district attorneys, there were many negative incidents reported, including district attorneys who refused service or discouraged battered women from filing charges, and lawyers who sided with the aggressors or attempted to meet their personal and professional needs at the expense of their clients. These incidents remind us that it would be useful to educate legal professionals about the nature of family violence, the situation and needs of battered women, and the legal and ethical responsibilities that lawyers and district attorneys have when they are contacted by battered women.     

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Depression in Battered Women: The Mediating Role of Learned Helplessness

Learned helplessness (LH) may mediate the link between violence exposure and mental disorders in battered women. This study evaluated the contribution of LH to Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and major depression (MDD) in women with prolonged exposure to partner violence in 101 residents of shelters for battered women in Israel. DSM-IV axis-I disorders were assessed by a structured clinical interview. Self-report questionnaires evaluated exposure to violence, symptoms of PTSD and depression, LH, history of child abuse, SES and the extent of male-dominance and prejudice against women in the participants prior socialization background. LH significantly mediated the effect of violence on PTSD and depression symptoms. Male-dominated background contributed to LH. Thus, LH may increase the risk of mental disorders in battered women and should be addressed in interventions designed to reduce the burden of mental illness in this population.     

Battered women who kill: A comparative study of incarcerated participants with a community sample of battered women

The present article examines demographic and background variables, psychosocial factors, critical incidents during childhood, battering incidents, and coping methods among 210 battered women. Based on in-depth interviews with a group of incarcerated battered women who had killed their batterers and a community sample of non-violent battered women, several key results were found. The vast majority of battered women who killed their abusive partners was much more likely than the community sample to: (1) have been sexually assaulted during childhood, (2) have dropped out of high school, (3) have an erratic work history of one to three unskilled jobs, (4) have cohabited with their partner, (5) experienced a drug problem, (6) have attempted suicide by drug overdosing, and (7) have access to the batterer's guns. The findings provide support for the increased probability of battered women killing their mates after they have encountered brutal and repeated assaults, death threats, failed in their attempts to escape through alcohol or drug abuse, and failed in their attempts to commit suicide.     

Personality Profiles in a Group of Battered Women: Clinical and Care Implications

Personality patterns, psychopathological symptomatology, dyadic relationship adjustment, and the characteristics of abuse suffered by a sample of women who attended residential services for battered women in Barcelona (Spain) are evaluated in this study. Over half the women had suffered psychological, physical, and sexual abuse on the part of her partner, mostly of long duration, and this had also been suffered by their children. The results obtained using the MCMI-II show a relatively low presence of anxious or depressive symptomatology and the predominance of a schizoid personality pattern. This means that clinical efforts need to be directed towards countering emotional withdrawal and social isolation. The importance of studying interpersonal patterns amongst battered women with a view to optimizing care and to preventing future victimization is also discussed.     

Parenting Stress,Parenting Behavior,and Children’s Adjustment in Families Experiencing Intimate Partner Violence

Children exposed to intimate partner violence are known to experience a number of negative outcomes, including behavioral and emotional problems; however, possible mechanisms accounting for this relationship are unclear. There is considerable evidence that parenting stress has a direct effect on child adjustment problems and on parenting behaviors; parenting behaviors, in turn, have been repeatedly shown to be related to child outcomes. The hypothesis that parenting mediates the relationship between parenting stress and child behavioral and emotional problems according to Abidin’s (Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 21:407–412, 1992) model was tested in a sample of 190 battered women and their 4-to12-year-old children. No support for mediation was found for either mother- or child-reported outcomes. Parenting stress had a strong direct effect on child behavioral and emotional problems. These findings have implications for the viability of Abidin’s model, as well as for interventions with battered women that address parenting stress. The authors would like to thank the women, children, and staff at the shelters for battered women who participated in this study.     

Relationship status of battered women over time

A longitudinal study of 114 women, all having serious problems in intimate relationships, recruited from the community was undertaken in order to investigate relationship and battering status over time. In the original sample (N=193), 97 women were battered and 96 were not battered, as determined by an adaptation of the Conflict Tactics Scale. Of the 114 who returned approximately 2 and 1/2 years later, only 25% of the 51 originally battered women were still in that category. Discriminant function analysis using a combination of variables from established instruments (depression, self-esteem, physical symptoms, self-care agency) and in depth interview (education, relationship control, relationship duration, childhood abuse) failed to distinguish those battered from those not abused at Time 2. Results do not support a learned helplessness model for most women experiencing abuse, and they suggest that battered women seen in the health care and/or social services systems should be supported in a process of healthy decision making about their relationship status.     

The Effects of Childhood Physical Abuse or Childhood Sexual Abuse in Battered Women's Coping Mechanisms: Obsessive-Compulsive Tendencies and Severe Depression

What role does childhood abuse have on the coping choices made by a battered woman? Ancillary to a depression study (Bailey, 1996) in 79 battered women from a Houston area women's shelter were compared for past abuse experiences and how the women were coping with abuse in adulthood. This study compared coping styles between two groups of battered women: those who experienced childhood physically abuse (CPA) (n=35), and those who did not experience childhood physically abuse (NCPA) in childhood (n=44). All of the women filled out a battery of questionnaires including The Brief Symptom Inventory (BSI), and a scale for learned helplessness. A t-test conducted on obsessive-compulsive tendencies (OCT) scale of the BSI found that women who were NPPA had significantly lower BSI-OCT scores t(77)=−2.05, p < .05 than women who were PPA. No statistically significant differences were found between groups for learned helplessness. Out of the 35 battered women who reported physical abuse in childhood were more likely to report sexual abuse as girls than battered women who were not physically abused, t(77)=−3.40, p < .001. Battered women who had been physically and sexually abused in childhood were more severely depressed. Battered women who were not abused in childhood had more obsessive compulsive tendencies. The ramifications of these findings for therapeutic treatment are discussed.     

Trials of battered women who kill: the impact of alternative forms of expert evidence

The introduction of battered woman syndrome testimony in trials of battered women who have killed has stirred considerable debate within the psycholegal community. Much of the controversy stems from the testimony's focus on the woman's passivity, as well as its partrayal of a single profile of battered women. In light of these concerns, proposals to alter the content of the testimony (e.g., dropping the syndrome terminology, focus on battered women's social reality as opposed to their psychological state and reactions) have surfaced. In the present research both the woman's prior response history (passive, active) and the presence of expert testimony (battered woman syndrome, social agency, no expert control) were manipulated in a homicide trial involving a battered woman who had killed her abuser. Overall, participants, drawn from both a university (N=195) and a nonuniversity setting (N=202), rendered more lenient verdicts and provided more favorable evaluations of the defendant's claim of self defense in the presence of expert testimony (either form) compared to a no expert control. Further, these effects were more pronounced for the student than the nonstudent sample. Implications of these findings for the use of expert evidence pertaining to battered women are discussed.     

Sex role beliefs,control, and social isolation of battered women

This study compared battered and non-battered women on their sex role types, control needs, and inclusion needs. The subjects included 33 battered, married women matched with 33 unbattered married women on education, employment, status, and age. The instruments used were the Bern Sex Role Inventoy and the FIRO-B. Results indicated a significant relationship between the battered/non-battered status and sex role type and wanted control. Battered subjects were more feminine in sex role type than the non-battered subjects. Battered women were also more tolerant of external control.