人的抽象与人的现实——马克思视野中的"人"

马克思视野中的“人”是人的抽象和人的现实的统一。具体表现在人的抽象是人的现实的价值评判尺度和根本方法;人的现实是人的抽象的特殊表现;人的抽象在人的现实发展中生成。马克思关于人的抽象与以往传统人学中抽象的人有着根本的区别,其出发点和归宿点不同。马克思在这个问题上的根本变革在于两者在实践基础上达到了统一。马克思关于人的抽象和人的现实关系的学理层面的意义在于,人学研究要把人学的基础理论和人的现实问题结合起来;实践层面的意义在于,以人为本要实现共性和差异、整合和分解的统一。     

我国社区治理研究中“脱节”现象的反思

我国社区治理的理论和实践研究层出不穷,但在社区治理研究和实践发展中存在着“脱节”现象,如何认识和解释此种现象成为社区治理研究中不可避免的问题。通过转型社会中我国社区治理研究现状分析,发现产生“脱节”问题的主要原因是:在社区治理理论和模式研究中存在“形式主义”风险;在社区治理实践中存在“合理无知”的公众参与现象;社区治理研究的时空适合性对实践存在着制约作用;社区治理研究的替代价值和存在价值的取向变化,以及社区治理研究的“理论实践”也影响“脱节”现象的产生。在此基础上进一步讨论了构建具有中国特色社区治理模式研究的可能,并对当前社区治理研究进行了反思与推进。     

地方政府绩效评估的"南通模式":效应、瓶颈及努力方向

基于目标导向的地方政府绩效评估的“南通模式”具有十分明显的传递效应、导向效应和监督效应。同时,也存在着指标体系没有充分体现现代政府绩效评估的要求、政府绩效评估工作机制有待统一完善、政府绩效考核的方法和工具比较单一、政府绩效考核的结果运用不够全面等亟待消除的难点与瓶颈。完善基于目标导向的地方政府绩效评估模式的主要路径是：以科学发展观指导地方政府绩效评估、完善政府绩效评估工作机制、将政府绩效评估从技术方法提升到制度安排、深化地方政府绩效评估结果运用等。     

传统社会主义国家发展生产力的基本模式研究

传统的社会主义国家发展生产力的基本模式具有独特性,由于把马克思主义的基本结论作为建设社会主义的基本前提,因此,它们通过建立社会主义生产关系来推动生产力的发展。这种用既定的生产关系推动生产力发展的模式,既有对经典社会主义基本理论的坚持,也包含了根据国情探索落后国家发展生产力的新途径。实践证明,由于新的生产关系是生产力发展的前提而不是结果,生产关系大大超越了生产力水平,其结果就是传统社会主义国家的生产力长期得不到有效发展。所以,现存的社会主义国家必须改革传统的生产力发展模式,根据现实的生产力状况建立相应的生产关系,遵循生产力与生产关系矛盾运动规律。     

民间私募证券投资基金运营中的涉罪问题研究

对于民间私募证券投资基金运作中的危害行为,刑法既要积极干预又要慎重适度。民间私募证券投资基金募集中可能构成的罪名有:非法吸收公众存款罪,集资诈骗罪,组织、领导传销活动罪,擅自设立金融机构罪,伪造、变造、转让金融机构经营许可证、批准文件罪,非法经营罪,虚假广告罪,擅自发行股票、公司企业债券罪,欺诈发行股票、债券罪,虚报注册资本罪,虚假出资、抽逃出资罪;民间私募证券投资基金运作中可能构成的罪名有:内幕交易、泄露内幕信息罪,利用未公开信息交易罪,操纵证券、期货市场罪,编造并传播证券、期货交易虚假信息罪,违规披露、不披露重要信息罪,隐匿、故意销毁会计凭证、会计账簿、财务会计报告罪;民间私募证券投资基金清算中可能构成的罪名是妨害清算罪。     

法学教育的属性及其层次定位

目前 ,研究、探讨法学教育改革的有效途径是学界关注的话题。本文探讨了法学教育的两个基本属性即教育性和法律性 ,并在此基础上阐述了法学教育在办学机构、培养目标、人才素质等方面的层次定位。     

Life beyond big data: governing with little analytics

Abstract

The twenty-first-century rise of big data marks a significant break with statistical notions of what is of interest or concern. The vast expansion of digital data has been closely intertwined with the development of advanced analytical algorithms with which to make sense of the data. The advent of techniques of knowledge discovery affords some capacity for the analytics to derive the object or subject of interest from clusters and patterns in large volumes of data, otherwise imperceptible to human reading. Thus, the scale of the big in big data is of less significance to contemporary forms of knowing and governing than what we will call the little analytics. Following Henri Bergson's analysis of forms of perception which ‘cut out’ a series of figures detached from the whole, we propose that analytical algorithms are instruments of perception without which the extensity of big data would not be comprehensible. The technologies of analytics focus human attention and decision on particular persons and things of interest, whilst annulling or discarding much of the material context from which they are extracted. Following the algorithmic processes of ingestion, partitioning and memory, we illuminate how the use of analytics engines has transformed the nature of analysis and knowledge and, thus, the nature of the governing of economic, social and political life.     

Re-Stating the problem of regulation and re-regulating the local state

In recent years a substantial body of literature has grown up around the application of the theorectical insights of regulation theory to the evolution of patterns of local governance and the structures of the local state (Geddes 1988: Goodwin, Duncan and Halford 1993; Painter 1991: Peck and Tickell 1992: Stocker 1989 inter alia). These new patterns of local governance are characteristically seen to be associated with the replacement of the formallly accountable, democracitcally elected structures of local government with a plethora of unaccountable and non-elected agencies involving public-private sector ‘part-nership’, Within this literature the emergence of new patterns of local governance is accounted for in terms of a response to the crisis of Fordism. In this article it is argued that regulation theory's principal analytical strength lies in its analysis of the internal contradictions and dynamics of modes of regulation, but that it has thus far failed to develop an adequate explanation of the transition between modes. As a consequence, existing accounts of the emergence of new modes of local governance couched in terms of the transition from Fordism to post-Fordism (or after-Fjordism) have tended to fail to reveal the complex mechanisms and processes linking global economic dynamics and the transformation of the structures of the national and local state. By interrogating the concept of ‘crisis’ in regulation theory and by considering the processing of the failures of Foprdism through the state at national and local level as a condition of any response to crisis, it is hoped to begin to develop a theory of the transition between modes of regulation. Such a theory, as it is hoped to demonstrate, might provide the basis for a more nuanced understanding of the complex process and mechanism resulting in the transformation of political and economic structures at the local level.     

恩格斯晚年对马克思主义法学的新贡献

从法学角度看,恩格斯晚年创造性地运用历史唯物主义的立场和方法,巩固和发展了历史唯物主义法学理论。恩格斯系统阐发了国家和法的起源与演进理论,批判了费尔巴哈唯心主义历史观和黑格尔唯心主义法哲学,进一步阐发了历史发展的内在辩证法;根据欧洲的新形势,恩格斯主张工人阶级要将合法斗争与“非法”斗争相结合;结合巴黎公社经验,他阐述了无产阶级新型国家和法制的基本原理,反对国家崇拜;在一系列通信中,他深入阐发了法和国家对经济关系的积极反作用和相对独立性理论,批驳了社会发展的“唯经济论”。恩格斯一系列法哲学新观点,对于当今时代深入理解法与经济的关系、法的历史发展规律、法的本质及功能、法律意识形态等问题,都依然具有极为重要的指导意义。     

Capitalism and cheap labour-power in South Africa: from segregation to apartheid 1

Conventionally, Apartheid is regarded as no more than an intensification of the earlier policy of Segregation and is ascribed simplistically to the particular racial ideology of the ruling Nationalist Party.

In this article substantial differences between Apartheid and Segregation are identified and explained by reference to the changing relations of capitalist and African pre-capitalist modes of production. The supply of African migrant labour-power, at a wage below its cost of reproduction, is a function of the existence of the pre-capitalist mode. The dominant capitalist mode of production tends to dissolve the pre-capitalist mode thus threatening the conditions of reproduction of cheap migrant labour-power and thereby generating intense conflict against the system of Segregation. In these conditions Segregation gives way to Apartheid which provides the specific mechanism for maintaining labour-power cheap through the elaboration of the entire system of domination and control and the transformation of the function of the pre-capitalist societies.     

Cycles of Political Control: the case of the Canton of Zürich, 1880–1983

Abstract. On the basis of data from the Canton of Zurich for the period from 1880 to 1983 this paper tests three models of political control: the 'crime control', 'conflict', and 'economic crises' models. It is suggested that each of the models might be valid for a particular sub-period. The identification of sub-periods is based on the idea of Kondratiev cycles. For each sub-period the effects of crime rates, the frequency of strikes and of bankruptcies on the number of police personnel and the severity of convictions are estimated by means of ARIMA modeling. The results show different patterns for each sub-period. For the period from 1880 to 1933 growth rates of the indicators of political control are best explained by the frequency of strikes. For the second period there is a strong direct effect of economic crises on the extent of political control.     

水权与水权的界定--水资源利用的产权经济学分析

在公有水权基础上实行可交易水权制度涉及到三个重要环节,即水权的界定、水价以及水权运作规则和水资源管理,其中水权的界定是水资源市场形成和运行的前提条件,没有排他性水权的确立,水权的让渡和交易是不可能的.本文从产权经济学的理论出发,分析水权的清晰界定与水资源市场的关系,并在此基础上分析水资源利用中的各种水权关系,指出进一步界定和明晰水资源的配水量权是实现水权制度创新的前提条件.     

试析中国政治体制改革的任务、经验及目标模式

中国现行政体是作为现代民主政体两种基本类型之一的人民民主政体.中国政治体制改革的基本任务是发展、完善现行人民民主政体,而非将其彻底否定,以自由民主政体取而代之.中国政治体制改革的一个成功经验,就是社会主义国家政治体制改革必须遵循坚持、发展、完善人民民主政体的原则.中国政治体制的目标模式应当是一种新型的人民民主政体,即以"坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一"为基本特征的新型人民民主政体.     

我国定罪思路体系性缺陷案解

我国定罪思路具有其固有的体系性缺陷:在整体结构方面,价值评价先于事实评价;在事实评价层面,重主观要素而轻客观要素;在价值评价层面,重心理要素而轻规范要素。应从以下方面考虑重构我国定罪思路:事实判断与价值判断彻底分离并先于价值判断;根据行为整体的不同意义划分思考阶段;在我国定罪体系性思路中引入规范责任论并使之与我国理论契合,构建相对开放的定罪思路。     

失势的精英及其反抗--戊戌前后湖南新旧之争的政治学分析

本文论述了戊戌变法前后湖南维新运动中精英集团的分裂以及由此衍生的社会冲突状况.湖南维新运动是一个原本富有共识的官绅集团在民族危机面前自新和自救的努力.引起这个官绅集团分裂的直接原因是伴随着省政要员的更换和一批文化新锐的到来而出现的政治权力的重新分配,更深层的原因则是维新运动的急进尤其是科举改革的启动导致了文化权力以及与之相伴生的社会政治权力的急剧倾斜.在这个过程中被侵犯和面临被淘汰的旧精英于是联合起来,利用意识形态工具和各种实际措施对维新事业展开猛烈攻击.这个事例通常被用来说明湖南地域文化的特性,但从政治学的角度看,它呈现出更具普遍意义的特征.     

社会建党的概念和实质初探

社会建党论是马克思主义党建理论的基本概念和应有之义。党的建设的内容可分类为思想建党、政治建党和社会建党三大内容和主题,其中社会建党是马克思主义革命党在社会革命时代为完成党的社会革命的历史使命而进行的党的建设的新形式,其实质是党适应社会革命时代的时代主题和历史使命而进行的党的先进性建设、执政能力建设和组织结构建设。社会建党论着重从理论上分析在社会革命时代,党以社会革命的方法来实施的党的路线建设、思想建设、制度建设和组织建设的建党路线、建党内容和建党方法,阐明党围绕完成领导社会革命的使命而进行党的建设的实践形式、监督机制和评价标准等方面的内容。     

论"促进型立法"的形成背景

"促进型立法"作为一种新型立法,具有传统立法所不具有的诸多特点.在经济上,它是有限制的混合经济要求经济手段的多元化和经济的可持续发展的产物;政治上,它是国家职能从单纯的调控管理角色向服务促进角色转变的结果;在社会意识上,它是社会与政府平衡互动意识的兴起、特别是公众广泛参与政治经济生活的结果;立法模式上,传统立法模式的演进要求新型立法凸显法律的引导与促进功能.     

Preparation for Ethical Community: Learning from Education for Sittlichkeit in New Order Indonesia

The politics of identity draws on postmodernist rejections of the universals of liberalism in theorizing the claims of individuals and groups on the political community. An alternative grounding of claims is provided by Hegel's concept of Sittlichkeit , the idea of the ethical instantiation of the citizen in the community. Sittlichkeit shares the self-determinist claims of identity-based models of community. It shares in particular their rejection of the heteronomy of antecedent principles of rights and justice. This paper is a study of the operationalizing of Sittlichkeit in Indonesian education for citizenship under the New Order implementation of the state ideology. It is intended to show the collectivist as well as the pluralist potential of normative settlements produced by 'perspectival dialogism', and consequently the importance of owning the derivation of the politics of identity from liberalism, when pluralism is the desired outcome .     

Public Life as Tragedy

Some of the most perceptive observers of public life have emphasised its tragic dimensions, not so much out of sympathy for politicians, but because the lens of tragedy offers a unique insight into the realities of the world of politics. Here I attempt to synthesise this tragic perspective by employing the comments of those best positioned to identify the salient features of public life, its primary dramatis personae. Politics occasionally provides us with the kind of spectacular catastrophe that journalists like to construe as tragedy. But our purpose is to evoke a different, more personal, less visible kind of tragedy: the small but malignant tragedies of self‐betrayal, of inflation of the ego and deflation of conscience, of helpless witness to injustice and misfortune, of status unaccompanied by power or efficacy, of the shrinking of aspiration to the scale of the practicable, of disillusion and, on occasion, of despair.