印尼华人融入当地主流社会的现状、挑战和发展趋势

印尼华人已逐步融入当地主流社会,主要表现在政治上认同印尼为自己的祖国,经济上成为当地民族经济的重要组成部分,社会文化上虽保持华族文化传统习俗但已逐步当地化.尽管如此,华族仍然面临诸多挑战,只有印尼政府执行正确的民族政策,当地社会改变对华人的偏见,华人更积极主动地融入主流社会,中国政府严格区分印尼华人与华侨,这样才能促进印尼华人更快融入当地主流社会.     

关于印尼华人融入当地主流社会的问卷调查

印尼苏哈托政权垮台后 ,先后诞生了瓦希德政府和梅加瓦蒂政府 ,华人社会发生了巨大而深刻的变化。华人在政治、经济、社会文化等方面融入当地主流社会的程度如何 ?笔者就此作了两次社会调查。这里 ,将两次调查的结果加以分析 ,仅供大家参考。     

缅甸对印度人和孟加拉人的政策

印度人在缅甸社会比其他外侨更不受欢迎。这是由于印度人同缅甸原住民在种族和宗教上的差异很大 ,且印度人很不容易接受缅甸的语言、服装和风土习俗。因此 ,缅甸人叫他们“嘎拉”。值得关注的是 ,由于早期历史上的交往因素 ,缅甸与印度在文化特别是在宗教方面有牢固的关系。在殖民地时代 ,印度人的地位很显著 ,虽然他们排在欧洲人之后 ,位居第二 ,但他们把资金分投到农业、制造业和服务业。 196 2年以来 ,印度人的政治、经济和社会自主权明显下降 ,但自 1988年 9月现军人政府上台后 ,印度人的状况已得到改善。     

缅甸华人身份认同与政治参与的代际变迁

在传统缅甸华人社会中,“在商言商”、“远离政治”的诤言与理念成为其族群生存与发展的重要准则。缅甸老一辈华人一直向后辈灌输参与政治的危险性,以及华人曾经卷入政治运动的惨痛记忆与深刻教训。这种角色定位与缅甸华人的身份认同密切相关。然而,在近年来缅甸云谲波诡的政治变幻中,缅甸新生代华人表现出与其父辈完全不同的政治风貌与政治姿态。特别是在2021年缅甸军人再次接管国家政权的背景下,许多新生代华人纷纷涌向街头,积极表达民主诉求。新生代华人的身份认同也出现了较为显著的变化。探讨缅甸华人身份认同和政治参与的变迁,是理解缅甸华人社会以及缅甸政治发展趋势的重要维度,并为进一步探究缅甸民族国家建构中新生代华人的身份与角色提供了理论空间。     

印尼华人应居安思危之我见

后苏哈托时代的华人社会发生了巨大而深刻的变化,印尼政府开始善待华人,华人的生存环境在逐步好转。但是,印尼排华因素还存在,许多当地人还未把华人当作自己人,社会贫富悬殊容易造成社会动乱。华人应自律,生活要低调,要积极主动融入到当地主流社会中去。     

寻求生存方式的同一性——美加新华侨华人的文化认同分析

本文认为加强对华侨华人文化认同的研究,对于华侨华人融入主流社会,充分发挥华侨华人在传承中华文明中的作用,以培育有利于中国和平发展的国际舆论氛围,具有重要意义.文章首先对文化认同进行了理论阐释,接着分析了美加新华侨华人的文化认同结构,最后探讨了新华侨华人文化认同的原因.文章认为,美国、加拿大新华侨华人为寻求生存方式的同一性,其民族情感是双重的,他们既认同所在国并为所在国效忠,参与所在国的建设与发展;同时在心灵层次上又认同祖籍国的文化,并形成对中华文化深深的情感依恋.双重文化认同在美国和加拿大社会新华侨华人中之所以长期存在,其原因是他们生存发展的需要,民族认同的情感需要,居住国政治体制的二重性和祖籍国政府的支持.     

透视当代美国华人的社会经济地位

二战后美国华人的社会经济地位比战前有相当大的提高,他们的教育水平、职业地位和家庭平均年收入总体上超出了美国白人的平均水平.但这并不表明华人的实际社会经济地位已经比美国主流群体优越.事实上,华人较多的教育投入并未得到相应比例的回报.在同等教育层次下他们的职业地位和收入水平均低于白人.此外,华人族群内部在教育水平、职业地位和收入方面存在两极分化的现象;华人与美国其他亚裔群体相比,在某些方面处于劣势.     

关于印尼华人之定位及其衍生的一些问题

虽然印尼华人这个概念本身已经从理论上明确了印尼华人在法律和政治上的定位问题 ,但实际上印尼华人的定位问题远未得到解决。首先 ,长期以来印尼政府实行歧视华人的政策 ,使印尼华人为印尼公民的定位变成一个问题 ;其次 ,与之相联系 ,一些印尼华人自身虽然理智上已经认同印尼民族和印尼国家 ,但感情上并不能完全认同。由此 ,衍生了印尼华人如何融入当地主流社会的问题 ,如何处理与祖籍国的关系问题 ,如何看待宣扬中华文化的问题以及如何看待所谓“少数民族”的问题。     

泰国华人政治认同的转变--动因分析

在东南亚国家中,泰国华人是较早融入当地主流社会、较早完成了对居住国政治认同的转变、较早参与当地政治生活的族群,而这一切都与泰国宽松的政治、经济、文化环境,以及长期以来泰国政府对华人实行的温和同化政策不无因果关系的.本文主要从政治、经济、文化三个方面加以分析论述.     

印度华人的“阶序化”现象及其情感与文化认同

华人移民印度已有200多年的历史,但其在印度社会的发展并不理想。在传统印度教社会按照阶序原理统合和分割的社会形态下,印度教徒接纳并包容华人移民的存在,但同时倾向于将其固定于阶序链条底端,使之成为“事实上的种姓集团”,并以社会隔离的逻辑不与之通婚和交往。在这种情况下,印度华人也被“涵括”进印度教社会结构体系,成为阶序人社会中的一个特定角色,在阶序链条中有其特定的位置,且很难改变。在这种情况下,印度华人和印度教徒的族群边界被凸显和固化了,印度华人无法通过充分的社会交往融入印度教社会,亦难以通过信仰改宗实现新的印度教社会认同。因此,印度华人在形式上嵌入印度社会体系与秩序,在一定程度上接受了相应的身份与角色,借此获得了印度社会的合法成员资格,并进而形成了某种趋同的行为模式,如职业世袭、内婚和社会交往的界限等,这一心理与社会过程,可以看作华人在印度社会的“阶序化”过程。这既是华人面对印度社会主流文化传统造成的社会隔绝的一种反应,也是华人在印度社会文化传统和自身文化传统双重影响下的生存状态。不仅反映了华人基于生存需要的生存策略选择,也凸显了华人基于心理和情感需要的族群身份认同和文化认同特点。     

Power,cultural nationalism,and postcolonial public architecture: building a parliament house in post-independence Myanmar

This article focuses on the contested, and frequently postponed, construction of a new parliament house in postcolonial Myanmar. Since the late colonial period, the country’s legislative bodies have convened in four different buildings, three located in the former capital Yangon and the latest one in Naypyitaw. Drawing on legislative proceedings and media reports, this study interrogates the relationship between decolonisation, national identity, state-building, and public architecture in post-independence Myanmar. It suggests that the commissioning and construction of a new legislative house has always served a dual objective: projecting state power and national pride in both Myanmar’s early postcolonial and later post-junta political contexts, whilst symbolising a sense of nationhood grounded on the representational ideals of the dominant and ruling ethnic Bamar elites.     

Addressing Myanmar’s Citizenship Crisis

Among many problematic issues surfacing in reformist Myanmar is a citizenship crisis with four main dimensions. First, in a state with fragile civil liberties, skewed political rights and limited social rights, there is a broad curtailment of citizenship. Second, Rohingya Muslims living mainly in Rakhine State are denied citizenship, and other Muslims throughout the country are increasingly affected by this denial. Third, designated ethnic minorities clustered in peripheral areas face targeted restrictions of citizenship. Fourth, the dominant Bamar majority concentrated in the national heartland tends to arrogate or appropriate citizenship. The result is growing social tension that threatens to undermine the wider reform process. To examine this crisis, the article sets Myanmar in a comparative context. In particular, it considers how multicultural states in the developed world have sought to manage a political switch from racial or ethnic hierarchy to democratic citizenship. Drawing on global experience with multiculturalism and enabling civic integration, it advances a series of policy options focused on rights, duties and identity. It argues for domestic political leadership, backed by global political support, to address Myanmar’s citizenship crisis.     

缅甸华裔精英与知名侨领概述

缅甸的华裔精英为缅甸的国家独立和民族解放作出了巨大的贡献 ,但知名侨领与华裔精英不同 ,他们不参与或很少参与缅甸政治 ,而在促进华人社区发展和中缅友好交往方面起着积极作用。他们有爱国的优良传统 ,表现在热心慈善事业、办报、办学、支持祖国革命、向国内投资、促进中缅友好关系。     

Imperialism and Democracy: Convergence and Divergence

This article explores two models of non-state education provision in Myanmar (Burma), in order to draw conclusions regarding templates for ethnic education regimes in this fast-changing country. Ethnic Armed Groups in Myanmar have developed education systems in the context of long-running armed conflicts. This paper examines two such regimes. Karen communities struggle with few resources to educate their children. Despite great difficulties, the Karen National Union has developed a curriculum based upon one Karen dialect, which is employed in about 1,000 schools. Graduates of this education regime are mostly unable to speak fluent Burmese, or to integrate with the Myanmar tertiary education system; they are orientated towards a Karen national identity, rather than Myanmar citizenship. However, with the beginnings of a substantial peace process, Karen educators will need to re-think their implicitly separatist agenda. A comparative case study is offered by the Mon ethnic minority. The New Mon State Party has had a fragile ceasefire since 1995. Some 270 Mon National Schools provide Mon language instruction at elementary levels, shifting to Burmese at middle school. As the Mon Schools follow the government curriculum, with extra classes in Mon language and history-culture, graduates are able to matriculate and enter the nationwide tertiary education system. We argue that the Mon experience can be a useful model for education reform in a transitional Myanmar, as political and civil society leaders negotiate a more decentralised state.     

Building Governance from Scratch: Myanmar and the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative

ABSTRACT

The Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative is a set of transnational rules that aims at improving governance in the oil, gas and mining sector. Several resource rich countries have joined the initiative since its inception in 2002. The question is why and with what effect? The article explores the case of Myanmar and argues that both state and non-state actors use the transnational regulations of the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative framework for their own ends. While the government attempts to attract broader foreign investment and increased foreign aid, civil society tries to address the human rights situation in the country. While this ultimately leads to conflict and confrontation in a society shaken by a long period of authoritarianism and civil wars, there is potential for the Myanmar Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative to provide an opportunity to improve state–society relations and build inclusive governance structures with an improved human rights record. However, the challenges are massive given the weakness of the state, ongoing armed conflict in ethnic minority areas and low trust between political actors.     

缅甸华文教育的现状与前景

20世纪90年代以来,缅甸华文教育在经历了二十余年的沉寂后重新复苏,华校的数量和规模已经有了较大发展。缅甸华文教育的发展与缅甸国内的政治经济发展、中国的崛起和对华文教育的支持、中缅关系的亲善、华人的努力和有利的国际背景等五个方面密切相关。同时,目前缅甸华文教育在合法化、生源和师资方面还存在诸多的困难。     

From Rebels to Rulers: The Challenges of Transition for Non-state Armed Groups in Mindanao and Myanmar

This article presents a critical comparison of the ongoing peace processes in the southern Philippines and Myanmar (Burma). It does so by examining two key armed groups: the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) on Mindanao, and the Karen National Union (KNU) in Myanmar. We identify common elements that help to explain the relative – albeit incomplete – success of these two groups in navigating their respective peace processes. The MILF and KNU are ethnonationalist armed groups struggling for self-determination against states that are experienced by ethnic minority communities as culturally alien, and economically and politically dominant. Both conflict actors are characterized by complex combinations of “greed” and “grievance” factors but nevertheless enjoy significant (albeit contested) political legitimacy among the communities they seek to represent. We explore the complex relationships between armed ethnic groups, conflict-affected communities, and civil society actors. We argue that engagement with civil society is a key element of success in the Mindanao peace process, which could be replicated in Myanmar. We examine the roles and changing nature of the state in the Philippines and Myanmar, and contrast the degrees of international involvement, as key variables in these peace processes. We observe that negotiations of comprehensive peace settlements are threatened by “the tyranny of elections” in Myanmar (2015) and the Philippines (2016), and observe the importance of including national parliaments in peace processes in a timely manner. The peace process between Manila and the MILF represents a rare example of a Muslim minority pursuing its political objectives through structured dialogue. The article focuses on the challenges faced by armed groups moving from insurgency to reinvent themselves as credible political actors and governance authorities. Our analysis draws on peace-building literature, specifically the phenomenon of “rebel governance.”     

BUDDING INDO-MYANMAR RELATIONS: RISING BUT LIMITED CHALLENGES FOR CHINA

There is a big gap on the study of Indo-Myanmar relations between India and China, in which the Indian experts are mainly concerned about the serious consequences of the China factor, while few Chinese scholars focus on Indo-Myanmar relations. This article, therefore, looks into the post-Cold War Indo-Myanmar relations from a Chinese perspective, so as to fill the research gap. It argues that India's influence upon Sino-Myanmar relations is actually marginal, though it has established a budding relationship with Myanmar through deepening political engagement, naval cooperation and physical connectivity with the country. The main reason is that India lacks full capability to develop the bilateral relations with Myanmar and thus compete fully with China. Additionally, the suspicion and resistance from the Burmese elite and local communities constitutes another major obstacle to the further engagement between India and Myanmar. Naypyidaw, notwithstanding its efforts to advance Indo-Myanmar relations, would prefer to gain benefits from both China and India.     

Putting violent armed conflict in the center of the Salween hydropower debates

Regional economic integration has become the dominant development pathway promoted, endorsed, and followed by many developing country governments in South East Asia and globally. Focusing on hydropower development, this article shows how forces of globalization manifested in the Myanmar government’s strategies to promote economic growth are shaping the Salween River basin’s development trajectory. Contesting the general belief that economic development would help the country’s transition to full democracy and achieve peace, it illustrates how hydropower development plans in the basin are closely interlinked with human rights issues. Well known for its long histories of violent conflict involving the Myanmar military and ethnic armed groups in various states, hydropower development in the Salween River is not only linked to the ongoing peace process in Myanmar but could also have direct implications on the actual significance of the process. Despite the signing of nationwide ceasefire agreements in 2012, hydropower dam projects could contribute to and trigger reoccurrences of violent armed conflict. Recognizing this conflict-prone and politically fragile condition as the main characteristics of Salween water governance is essential if we are to strive for sustainable and just development.     

Geopolitics,Ethnic Conflicts along the Border,and Chinese Foreign Policy Changes toward Myanmar

Ever since Myanmar reoriented its foreign policy as a result of its transition to democratic rule in 2010, it has significantly improved its relations with the West, particularly the United States. Amid heightened geostrategic competition between the U.S. and China, how can we understand the Chinese government’s changing approaches to Myanmar, where China’s strategic and economic interests face unprecedented pressure? This article examines those changes in the context of the Chinese government’s response to three militarized ethnic conflicts along its border with Myanmar before and after Myanmar’s foreign policy reorientation. Drawing evidence from Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs statements and Chinese media coverage of the 2009 and 2015 Kokang conflicts and the 2011-2013 Kachin conflict, the article argues that combined geopolitical changes and domestic nationalist signaling explain the variations of China’s foreign policy approaches to Myanmar. The article thus contributes to ongoing interest in China’s foreign policy approaches to Southeast Asia in the wake of geostrategic competition between China and the United States.