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Abstract This article analyses the bases of the political competition between the Communist Party (PCE) and the Socialist Party (PSOE) in Spain. The historical backgrounds of this competition in the period of Popular Front strategies and civil war and under Francoism are discussed. The main decisions taken by the PCE seem to have traditionally followed a pattern of politics of broad alliances, generally moderate strategies and attempts to minimize the socialist influence. In the 1960s the socialist influence seemed to be limited as a result of cumulative difficulties, and the reproduction of an Italian style political situation was predicted. There was however a socialist renaissance in the last years of Francoism which was parallel to a more intense political struggle and an increasing crisis of the dictatorship. Secondly, the article looks at recent Spanish experience, the general elections of 1977 indicated the strong persistence of political memory, which favoured the PSOE. There was a remarkable political continuity with the loyalties and cleavages of the Second Republic, with a strong vote to the PSOE in the historical leftist areas, where socialism was able to survive notwithstanding its organizational crisis. The trade union elections of 1978 qualified however this predominance of the socialists on the left. Here, recent militancy at the shop floor level, represented by the communist-orientated Workers' Commissions, seemed more important than historical memory, although the socialist UGT produced a strong challenge. Finally the article examines the similarities between the programme of the PSOE and the Eurocommunism of the PCE and concludes that theoretical-ideological convergence, paradoxically, may well maximize political competition between communism and socialism in Spain.  相似文献   

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Abstract. This paper attempts to throw new light on what one might term the'operational component'of social democratic thinking, functional socialism, by focusing on the creation, organization, and transformation of property rights. I argue that while democratic socialism does provide a political and philosophical schema that justifies distribution rules not sanctioned in 'the market',1the novelty of the solution (and thus the necessary difference from existing advanced industrial societies, including the United States) is exaggerated. In addition, the tension between the attenuation of private property rights and their arrogation by the state on the one hand and citizen control over state activities on the other is not sufficiently perceived. My main purpose is to delineate and explore these problems. I also suggest ways in which the argument might be strengthened.  相似文献   

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安徽人民出版社出版的"21世纪社会主义丛书"问世了."21世纪社会主义丛书"是由靳辉明、周新城、顾海良三位教授主编的国家"九五"重点图书.它包括六本书:《社会主义历史、理论与现实》、《世纪中国》、《苏联东欧国家的演变及其历史教训》、《越南、古巴社会主义现状与前景》、《资本主义的社会矛盾及其历史走向》、《当代国外社会主义流派》.这是一套系统研究社会主义历史、现状并展望未来的理论专著.丛书运用马克思主义的立场、观点和方法,从总体上对20世纪社会主义理论和实践进行回顾和总结,研究和分析了社会主义在各个时期的历史进程,尤其是社会主义在理论上的发展和创新;全方位地研究和分析当代资本主义社会存在的各种矛盾及其历史演化,从而揭示了资本主义的历史走向;论述了中国、越南、古巴等社会主义国家社会主义建设和改革(革新)开放的历程,预测了21世纪的前景;冷峻地分析了苏联东欧国家演变的历史过程,总结了其历史教训;系统地研究和阐发了当代国外颇具影响的社会主义流派,分析了其中的积极因素.  相似文献   

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