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Dean P. Chen 《Asian Security》2014,10(1):22-46
For rationalists, China (PRC)’s current conciliatory policy toward Taiwan is merely “calculative.” Hence, Chinese leaders must act patiently with Taiwan to dampen the “China threat theory.” This article contends that strategic considerations cannot entirely justify Beijing’s Taiwan policy. Given the PRC’s steadfast position on reunification, it is unclear why Beijing has, since the 1990s, allowed for a looser construction of the “one China” principle and even tacitly acknowledged the existence of Taiwan’s Republic of China (ROC). In line with the constructivist theory of argumentative persuasion, my position stresses that changing discourses have affected Chinese leaders’ perceptions of the Taiwan Strait problem. New identities and interests have been reconstituted to redefine the PRC relations vis-à-vis the ROC. While it is unlikely that Beijing would formally accept the ROC, the current trajectory raises hope that cross-strait ties may become more stabilized in the long run. 相似文献
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Dirk Klopper 《Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies》2018,19(4):416-437
The dog in Schreiner’s novel is represented both as an individualized human companion and as a figure of the social outcast. This split signification is homologous with other such instances in the novel – the anomaly of a “failed” bildungsroman, the narrative division between the real and the dreamlike, the aporia of human consciousness in the face of nature, the entanglements of gender, the problematics of race. Focusing on Waldo, Lyndall, and the dog Doss, the paper tracks the way in which the dog refracts not only the relation between human and animal but also a range of other relations in the novel, social and metaphysical. Reading the novel and its late nineteenth-century contexts of thought from the retrospective standpoint of the present – a hermeneutic position that is itself the site of a split signification – the paper considers the dog good to think with. 相似文献
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John Irgengioro 《East Asia》2018,35(4):317-346
This paper seeks to examine the People’s Republic of China’s (China) self-defined national identity and the consequences on China’s ethnic relations with its ethnic minorities. This paper argues that China’s identity is equated with the identity and culture of its ethnic Han Chinese majority—a narrative originally constructed by the Chinese state which its ethnic Han Chinese majority since indulges in. However, this hegemonic narrative is at the root of interethnic issues and tensions in China today, as further ethnic tensions stem from the resistance of ethnic minorities against Sinicization and the imposition of this “Chinese” identity against them. These phenomena thus both indicate what I term a weak “internal soft power appeal” of Han Chinese Confucian culture for ethnic minorities living in the PRC, and imply that China must adopt a different, more inclusive national identity if it were to maintain ethnic stability in the long term. 相似文献
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Historians who share the written Chinese language as a carrier of cultural signification have negotiated the image of female
emperor Wu Zetian with the signs of the times designated by the needs of the present. The female writer Zhao Mei's new biography
Woman: Wu Zetian deconstructs the historical and cultural representation of Wu Zetian as the 'bad unwoman'; links a woman's private, and subjective
experiences with her public and political activities; and demonstrates that how the former influences the latter. This paper
examines how the participation of contemporary biographers in knowledge production constructs, legitimises and maintains the
image of Wu Zetian as a woman and a ruler. It argues that Zhao Mei's biography of Wu Zetian manages to confront the established
dominance of male hierarchy, questions the 'stigmatised identity' of this historical character as being stable and universal
and, consequently re-genders an important chapter in Chinese history. 相似文献
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East Asia - Given the tremendous amount of money that China has poured into events such as the 2008 Beijing Games and the 2010 Shanghai Expo and establishing Confucius Institutes throughout the... 相似文献
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Bjørn Elias Mikalsen Grønning 《Asian Security》2014,10(1):1-21
This article analyzes the most recent phase of Japan’s security policy reform, focusing on its shifting priorities towards the Japan Self-Defense Forces and the Japan–US alliance since mid-2010. From a realist perspective, it argues that these shifting military priorities first and foremost represent a traditional counterbalancing response to China’s rise. Conforming to the logic inherent in balance of threat theory, it moreover argues that this balancing behavior is explained by a confluence of two primary factors, namely Japanese perceptions of aggressive Chinese behavior in the maritime domain and concerns relating to the changing distribution of capabilities in China’s favor. 相似文献
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To redress its deteriorating environment, Chinese leaders have elevated the environmental agenda in its political discourse,
especially at the recent 17th Party Congress. In this article, I answer whether the changes and reforms enacted at the 17th
Party Congress and codified in the National Eleventh Five-year Plan for Environmental Protection (PEP) address the flaws of
the Chinese environmental governance regime. First I identify the critical shortcomings of China’s environmental governance.
Then I examine the PEP, focusing on the reforms that correspond with each of these shortcomings. I find that the PEP reforms
are insufficient in addressing the shortcomings of the Chinese environmental governance regime. However, in examining empirical
evidence, I find that despite almost non-existent institutional reforms, China’s environmental performance has improved. Finally,
in the conclusion, I summarize my findings, examine the implications of the paradoxical increase in environmental performance
without corresponding governance reform, and suggest areas of future research. 相似文献
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