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The late 1950s was a turbulent period in the history of Arab nationalism. It saw the birth and demise of unity states (the United Arab Republic and the Arab Union), civil war, revolution and Western intervention. Despite its short five-month lifespan, the Iraqi–Jordanian Hashemite Arab Union contributed to the intensification of the traditional Egyptian–Iraqi rivalry, the overthrow of the Iraqi monarchy in 1958 and the American intervention in Lebanon the same year. It was the result of Arab nationalism, lingering British imperial dreams, the East–West conflict, economic considerations and an inter-Arab cold war. The Arab Union had obvious advantages over the United Arab Republic. Two such advantages were the greater number of cabinet posts granted to Jordan by the Arab Union than were granted to Syria by the United Arab Republic, and the fact that Amman retained its status as capital (one of two union capitals), whereas Damascus was downgraded to the status of provincial capital. These advantages, however, failed to prevent the premature demise of the union, which was caused by a combination of negative domestic and regional perceptions, economic constraint and military commitments.  相似文献   

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Abstract

By focusing on political memoirs as an important source, the article deals with the ruling party and governance in the Arab republics, whether they had a one-party system such as Iraq and Syria, or a multi-party system such as Egypt and Tunisia. However, one country among the republics, Libya, annulled political parties and parliament and created its own unique system of governance. Through memoirs of party members, parliamentary opponents, and ministers, the article analyses the substantial role of the ruling parties in perpetuating the regimes. While the triangular relationship between the leadership, the party, and the bureaucracy differed from one republic to another, the overall structure of governance did not vary widely, except in the case of Libya.  相似文献   

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This article provides a comparative macro-level overview of political development in Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt. It examines their evolution from the colonial period through several distinct phases, showing how differences in their origins were followed over time by a certain convergence towards a common post-populist form of authoritarianism, albeit still distinguished according to monarchic and republican legitimacy principles. On this basis, it assesses how past state formation trajectories made the republics more vulnerable to the Arab uprising but also what differences they make for the prospects of post-uprising democratisation. While in Morocco the monarch's legitimacy allows it to continue divide-and-rule politics, in Egypt the army's historic central role in politics has been restored, while in Tunisia the trade union movement has facilitated a greater democratic transition.  相似文献   

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《中东研究》2012,48(2):244-252
Afghanistan and the Soviet Union by Henry Bradsher. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1982. Pp. 336. $32.50; $12.75 (paper).

Afghanistan's Two Party Communism by Anthony Arnold. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1983. Pp. 260. $10.95.

Revolutionary Afghanistan: A Reappraisal by Beverly Male. New York: St Martin's Press, 1982. £13.95.

Red Flag Over Afghanistan by Thomas Hammond. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1984. Pp. xvii + 261. £26.25; £11.25 (paper).

The Great Powers and the End of the Ottoman Empire edited by Marion Kent. London: George Allen and Unwin, 1984. Pp. x + 237. £18.00.

Der Islam in der Gegenwart edited by Werner Ende and Udo Steinbach, with editorial help from Michael Ursinus. Munich: C.H. Becker, 1984. Pp.774, bibliography, maps, index. DM, 138.

Workers’ Participation and Self‐Management in Turkey by Mehmet Nezir Uca. The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, Research Report Series No. 13, 1983. Pp.xiv + 254. Guilders 11

France Overseas by C. Andrew and A.S. Kanya‐Forstner. London: Thames &; Hudson, 1981. Pp.302. £12.95.  相似文献   

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