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This article discusses the origins of the speculative configuration that has come to characterize English banking. It criticizes Gerschenkron's view that early nineteenth-century English banking developed relatively autonomously from manufacturing. Pointing out that he misunderstood the specific nature of English finance and the reasons that explained the later shift towards speculation, it shows how Gerschenkron and his followers have consistently underestimated the role of the state in shaping the nature of English finance. The main argument of the article is that state intervention was a decisive factor in shaping the nature of English finance. It proved crucial in initiating the divergence between English and continental finance, and contributed to the rise of modern banking in England. Finally, I argue that the speculative configuration of finance often associated with England was a late development of the nineteenth century that again reflected changes in the form of financial and monetary regulation.  相似文献   

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In debates on the encounters of Middle Eastern societies with Western modernity, Max Weber's work is invariably seen as the classical statement of what may be called sociological Orientalism. Most 'Third Worldist' and other anti-Orientalist critics locate Weberian and neo-Weberian perspectives within Orientalism as a discourse of Western domination which has remained hegemonic since the mid-nineteenth century. In contrast, this paper argues that only with the victory of the Bolsheviks in 1917 and the subsequent consolidation of the Soviet bloc were conditions in place for the re-articulation of Orientalism as an ideological construct, a discourse of domination. Weber as well as Marx and other pre-Soviet thinkers are thus relocated outside the reach of the Orientalist/anti-Orientalist opposition, where they display significant differences from both. The essay then turns to reconsider W'eber's specific research programme and his views on Islam and shows their intrinsic limitations for the current debate over the rise and trajectory of militant Islamism. It concludes by outlining a still recognizably Weberian strategy for resolving this debate.  相似文献   

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In Economy and Society Weber provides a detailed criticism of socialism emphasizing the dynamic nature of the formal rationality of economic action, thus indicating the limits of bureaucratic rationality. Unfortunately, Weber's critique has received scant attention, commentators concentrating instead on remarks in his political essays. Weber's main argument against socialism is that it would lead to a decrease in formal rationality. Drawing upon Austrian political economy, Weber attempts to secure a 'realm of freedom' within anarchical capitalist production through emphasizing the dynamic nature of economic decision making which necessarily precludes the possibility of a rational socialist planned economy.  相似文献   

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《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):203-225
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This paper argues that Weber ought to be read as a comparative ethicist who brings his German intellectual inheritance, especially Schopenauer and Nietzsche, to a dialogue with ethical traditions in India and China. It shows that Weber not only had a supple understanding of the tensions within Hindu ethics, his own account of value often closely corresponds to Hindu axiology and was enriched by an encounter with it.  相似文献   

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Convergence between Woodrow Wilson's and Max Weber's thought, as well as their differences with regard to the politics–administration dichotomy, can be ascribed to the Hegelian tradition of public administrative theory. On the one hand, Wilson was strongly influenced by Georg W. F. Hegel. On the other hand, there is an empirical connection between Hegel and Weber. Both shared a consciousness of the German bureaucratic tradition based on Hegel's Philosophy of Right . These insights have important methodological and theoretical implications for the contemporary comparative study of public administration.  相似文献   

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Steven Grosby 《Society》2013,50(3):301-310
This article offers a re-evaluation of Max Weber’s analyses of both the disenchantment of the world and the origins of capitalism.  相似文献   

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Theoretical and empirical research shows that political representation is a dynamic process repeatedly connecting citizens and political elites. However, less is known about how citizens alone experience the process of political representation and connect electoral participation with representation. This article combines different literature pertaining to the representative process in a dynamic framework. It explores causality between electoral participation and perceived responsiveness in citizens' minds using unique panel data. By arguing for two-way causality and the existence of a virtuous circle, the paper refines the concepts’ relationship beyond traditional conceptions that currently dominate the literature on electoral behaviour and participatory democracy. The results indicate that the representative process may be a self-sustaining experience for citizens over time.  相似文献   

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舒茨的现象学社会学和韦伯的理解社会学有着千丝万缕的联系,在一定程度上,舒茨的现象学社会学是对韦伯理解社会学的进一步完善。同时,它们在思想渊源、发展脉络、社会学理论的具体内容以及方法论等四个维度上存在差异。马克斯·韦伯构建了理解社会学的框架,舒茨则利用现象学将其扩展和拓宽、深入和具体。  相似文献   

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