Politische Redekultur in der Vormoderne. Die Oratorik europäischer Parlamente in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit

SUMMARY

Procedural delaying tactics (Obstruktion), including filibustering, have been used by parliamentary minorities overwhelmed by large majorities supporting a government. English in origin, they were widespread in Europe by the turn to the twentieth century as a consequence of liberal interpretations of the right to freedom of speech. Apart from England and the United States, the practice was especially prevalent in Austria and Hungary. Barna Mezey examines this issue in Hungary from 1846 until 1939, reviewing the historical, constitutional and legal aspects of obstructive measures and the steps taken against them within a comparative context. The Hungarian manifestation may be divided into simple obstruction (filibustering for several hours per speaker, days for the whole operation), technical (procedural delays, for which frequent lengthy votes were needed), and violent forms such as shouting and the throwing of objects. Only in the last case did Hungarian Speakers not hesitate to take countermeasures, including summoning the police.

After the Dual Monarchy was established, the minority in the Hungarian parliament claimed that its blocking actions were justified as the Compromise of 1867 led the government of Austro-Hungary to pursue policies not in the national interest. The Hungarian parliament was divided between those favouring the dynasty's attempt to create a more unified kingdom and those adhering to the principles of 1848. The latter were deprived of the chance of ever achieving office by the powers granted to the monarch in the Compromise. They felt driven to employ delaying tactics in an organized manner from 1872 onwards, when a proposed change in voting criteria would have greatly restricted the franchise. Another major conflict from 1896 was over measures to reduce the influence of the Church on marriage and to widen freedom of religion, including that for the Jews. An attempt to impose more discipline on debates in 1904 led the opposition to destroy all the furnishings of the debating chamber and precipitated the fall of the government. In 1912 the Speaker, acting for the government, used the police to remove the opposition from the chamber and push through a law introducing a two-year term for military service and other army reforms. Legislation at that time also prohibited procedural delaying measures, and in 1928 severe restrictions were placed on filibustering. The author also analyses the debate at the time among legal experts over the validity of these tactics, at the heart of which lay disagreements on the nature and limits of freedom of speech.     

Ökonomisches Kapital der Eltern und Medizinstudium im Ausland. Wie Europäisierungs- und Globalisierungsprozesse die Reproduktion sozialer Ungleichheiten verändern

The fact that university degrees are accepted throughout Europe has led to the founding of medical faculties, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, that offer medical studies in German or English and thus attracting students from richer Western European countries like Germany. Unlike medical studies in Germany, access to these foreign universities is not dependent on the final school exam grade, but on the ability to pay high tuition fees. The article compares the social class background of medicine students in Germany with German medicine students in Hungary. The analysis shows that the percentage of medicine students who come from higher social classes is even higher in Hungary than it already is in Germany. Studying medicine in Hungary primarily serves as an immediate reproduction of the parents’ profession as many of German medicine students in Hungary have a parent who belongs to the medical profession. The case of German students studying medicine abroad illustrates how Europeanization and Globalization have changed the reproduction of social inequalities; upper classes profit most from the new opportunities.     

Zwischen Ökonomie und Politik. Zur diskursiven Konstruktion des Begriffs „Sozialmodell“ im Sarkozy-Wahlkampf 2005–2007

In “general economic-political discourses”, actors from the spheres of politics, economics and mass media struggle over the valid perception of the relations between the economy, politics, and society as a whole. The discourse on the “modèle sociale français“ provides a case in point: A concept that had been associated for many years with the economic success of the fifth republic, but in the 2000s became a central element of a crisis-rhetoric that helped to pave the way for the reform agenda of Nicolas Sarkozy. Building on this example, the article analyzes how economic-political discourses are established and transformed. On the one side, it reflects upon the importance of discourse research for economic sociology in general; on the other, it shows how general economic-political discourses help to legitimize certain positions in public debates, and how they depict specific scientific problems as relevant for society. Mediators of public and scientific debates benefit from this, just as political and economic actors do as they generate public approval for their corresponding reform-agendas.     

Väter in Elternzeit. Deutungen,Aushandlungen und Bewertungen von Familien- und Erwerbsarbeit im Paar

Berliner Journal für Soziologie - Der Anteil von Vätern, die Elternzeit beanspruchen, ist mittlerweile auf über ein Drittel angestiegen. Der Beitrag analysiert Deutungen...     

Arbeit und Geschlechterverhältnisse im Umbruch

Ausgehend von dem Umbruch der Erwerbsarbeit in Richtung einer flexibilisierten, markteffizienten Tertiarisierung fragen wir nach Chancen für Frauenerwerbsarbeit. Dabei richten wir den Blick insbesondere auf das Verhältnis zwischen Erwerbssphäre und außerbetrieblichem Leben. Die Ausgangsthese lautet: Dem Umbruch der Arbeit sind ?Entgeschlechtlichungstendenzen“ inhärent. Diese werden jedoch sowohl von überdauernden Geschlechterungleichheiten, als auch durch die Verdrängung gesellschaftlicher Reproduktionsnotwendigkeiten in das ?Private“ als (neu konfigurierte) ?Vergeschlechtlichungsprozesse“ konterkariert. Als Ergebnis zeigen sich zwiespältige Integrationsaber auch zunehmend Desintegrationseffekte für ?weibliche“ Erwerbsarbeit. Diese These wird mit Befunden einer empirischen Untersuchung bei der Deutschen Bahn AG erhärtet, deren rigoroser Umbau hin zu börsenfähiger Wirtschaftseffizienz u.E. paradigmatisch für Unternehmensreorganisationen gelten kann. Das Fazit lautet: Nur über eine konsensuale Arbeitspolitik, die die Symmetrierung der außer- und innerbetrieblichen Lebensbereiche beinhaltet, ist eine nachhaltige Chancenerweiterung für Frauenerwerbsarbeit möglich. Sie ist — mittelfristig — auch die Voraussetzung für eine ?geschlechtsneutrale“ Bestenauslese der Unternehmen und damit ihrer Wirtschaftseffizienz.     

Finanzmarktwächter: Über die Synchronisation von Politik und Ökonomie

From the perspective of an actor-centered theory of differentiation, the article explores how political decisions and developments in a financialized economy are temporally coordinated. For the purpose of answering this research question, the paper develops a four-dimensional heuristic model capable of capturing societal differences regarding time. By sketching the concept of a “hybrid organization”, it models an arena in which such differences may be bridged. Assuming this theoretical perspective, the paper examines the German Federal Financial Supervisory Authority (BaFin) in order to scrutinize how and to which extent the targeted synchronization of politics and finance is achieved. This qualitative organizational study shows that the BaFin accomplishes its function only to a limited degree: Global flows of capital and bureaucratic provisions erode its leverage as a supervisor of the financial market, and the accelerated dissemination of financial derivatives make it look like a lethargic authority. Thus, from a sociological point of view further structural alterations at the interface of the political and economic sphere are required in order to lower the risk of economic crises and post-democratic developments.     

Unterscheidung und Härtung. Bewertungs- und Notenkommunikation in Lehrerzimmer und Zeugniskonferenz

In schools humans are classified and categorized by other humans through the assessment of their actions and documents they produce there. This practice of differentiation essentially relies on contingent teacher judgements that are aggregated into marks, end-of-year reports or school graduation certificates. The article explores the formal and informal situations of teachers talking about their students and classes and making decisions about their school reports. While teachers share their judgements on pupils in informal staff-room conversations, the thereby generated knowledge does not necessarily result in social consequences. It does, though, in formal gatherings such as report conferences, where the judgements are ratified and fixated. The judgement of an individual teacher is hereby transformed into a grade given by the school. By analytically characterizing these social and numeric-administrative objectifications the article shows how judgements on pupils are kept reversible and simultaneously become solidified during the school year.     

Pflegearbeit zwischen Fürsorge und Ökonomie. Längsschnittanalyse eines Klassikers der Pflegeausbildung

Residential care work is currently characterized by two rationalization processes: a professionalization of care and a commodification of health care. From both developments may arise conflicting demands and claims for the caregivers themselves, involving a change in the action guiding basis for orientations and the notions of “good care”. Textbooks are a key foundation for the development of the nursing self-image. Based on a longitudinal qualitative and quantitative content analysis of a classic nursing education textbook a transformation process from rational caring orientations to economic orientations can be shown. This is interpreted as a hybridization of the profession rationality of care, as part of the dual nature of care: on the one hand as a concretely useful rational caring work and on the other hand as a cost-benefit calculated production and exploitation process.     

Parlament und Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit in der österreichischen Monarchie

SUMMARY

In this article Maria Sofia Corciulo discusses the dissolution of the recently elected ‘Chambre introuvable’ by Louis XVIII, following his second restoration in 1815. The king had been completely surprised by the outcome of the elections, which returned an ultra-royalist majority. This put severe pressure on the king and his ministers who were committed to moderate, conciliationist policies, in which they were supported and pressured by the representatives of the Allied powers. The Ultras found themselves in confrontation with the ministers and policies of the king. This created a paradox, in that the Ultras, who wished to reinstate features of the ancien régime, could only do so by imposing parliamentarianism on the king, and use their majority to force him to change his ministers and adopt policies that they knew he opposed. On the other hand, the king felt he could only save the liberal constitutional values, which he and the ministers considered necessary if civil war was to be avoided, by a dissolution of the Chamber, for which there was no clear constitutional justification. The article discusses whether Louis XVIII, by his dissolution, which his critics claimed was a coup d'état, in fact secured the future of liberal constitutional government in France.     

Geschlecht, Ethnie, Klasse im Kapitalismus – über die Verschr?nkung sozialer Verh?ltnisse und hegemonialer Deutungen im gesellschaftlichen Reproduktionsprozess

This article asks how far social differentiation referring to gender and ethnicity as well as related inequalities are not only a result of capitalist economy but a structural feature of capitalism. The intersection of social relations and hegemonic constructions are the subject of analysis. Arguments and insights of regulation theory, feminist theory and men??s studies are discussed and continued. It is shown how andro- and eurocentric orientations were an essential feature of capitalism from its origin, and how they determined its historic specific societal structures, societal orders and dynamics. This is discussed focusing on the functional differentiation and the division of labour, inter- and intra-societal relations and hegemonic constructions, and referring to globalization and gender relations. It appears that historically capitalist formation inevitably must be seen as based on gendered and ethnic domination, but that there are also contingencies beside relations of subordination. New arrangements of domination as well as tendencies towards equity emerge. In conclusion, an epistemological outlook opens up for an analytical view in favor of perspectives which transcend the critical reflection on the western capitalist standpoint.     

Umbruch und Kontinuität des Erwerbseinstiegs in Russland

The paper analyzes the influence of institutional change on the transition from school to work in Russia during socialism and the transition period. Using information from the “Education and Employment Survey for Russia” and comparing the birth cohorts 1949–1986, we analyze the duration of the respondents’ first job episode and the transition out of the first job. The results document shorter first job durations, increasing risks of unemployment and, in the case of women, more rapid transitions out of the labor market. However, the basic patterns of transition from education to job positions continued to exist. Thus, the transition from school to work in Russia did not experience an abrupt change but a gradual adjustment to the new economic order.     

Konsens und widerstand. städtische obrigkeit und landschaftliche partizipation im städtischen territorium bern (15.‐16. jahrhundert)

The documentary and bibliographic references at our disposal in relation to the buildings where Valencian parliamentary sessions were held during the Middle and Modern Ages are very scarce. The available data show a practically exclusive utilization of religious buildings (temples and convents). The causes of this preference must lie in medieval policy, practical reasons and a certain connotation of neutrality which was inherent to such buildings. In any case, their utilization implied fitting out the religious building in question so as to adapt it to the new parliamentary functions via a convenient distribution of its space and the execution of ephemeral works in it. In turn, secular spaces, and more precisely those of royal ownership (castles, palaces), were occasionally used for the celebration of some parliamentary assemblies. But these assemblies were never entirely held from their opening to their closure in those contexts; only some of their sessions took place in those premises. The celebration of Valencian parliamentary sessions in privately owned buildings of ecclesiastical or aristocratic nature was exceptional.     

Duale oder schulische Berufsausbildung? Entwicklungen und Weichenstellungen in Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz

In der vergleichenden politischen Ökonomie hat das Thema Ausbildung vor allem seit der “Varieties of Capitalism”‐Forschung an Popularität gewonnen. Deutschland, Österreich und die Schweiz gelten dabei als Länder, die ihre Arbeitskräfte im Rahmen einer korporatistisch gesteuerten dualen Ausbildung beruflich bilden. Unser Beitrag zeigt jedoch, dass sich die relativen Teilnehmerzahlen verschiedener Bildungsgänge im Sekundarbereich II seit Mitte der 1970er Jahre unterschiedlich entwickelt haben. In Österreich hat sich über die Zeit die staatlich gesteuerte vollzeitschulische Berufsausbildung neben der dualen Ausbildung etabliert. In Deutschland und in der Schweiz ist das duale Ausbildungssystem nach wie vor dominierend. Als ausschlaggebend für die Expansion der vollzeitschulischen Ausbildung in Österreich identifizieren wir drei zentrale Punkte: erstens die Dominanz der österreichischen Sozialdemokratie und deren informelle Zusammenarbeit mit den Christdemokraten, zweitens die Steuerung des österreichischen Bildungswesens durch den Zentralstaat und drittens die breite Unterstützung der Berufsbildungsreformen durch Arbeitgeber und Gewerkschaften. Bedeutende Weichenstellungen erfolgten in den 1970er Jahren.