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This article is based on a round table discussion that was held at the Centre for Small States, Queen Mary University, London, on 18 September 2017. The article uses the presentations from the event, together with answers to questions that were posed, to construct an analysis of how Brexit has affected, and will probably continue to affect, small states and subnational island jurisdictions in Europe and beyond. There is still no real clarity in relation to British Prime Minister Theresa May’s declaration that ‘Brexit means Brexit’, but the effects of the UK’s decision to leave the European Union (EU) are starting to be felt – whether that involves redefining Euroscepticism across Europe, marginalising the diplomatic and economic profile of the UK’s overseas territories, or creating anxieties in the Commonwealth Caribbean regarding future trading relations. Thus, Brexit is creating a significant ripple effect and the article provides some reflections on how these are affecting small countries and territories, many of which are already highly vulnerable.  相似文献   

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Sophia Price 《圆桌》2016,105(5):499-507
Abstract

Development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of states has provided a vehicle for the UK’s ongoing relationship with the majority of the Commonwealth, although this was widely overlooked in the run-up to the UK referendum and its aftermath. Membership of the EU has provided the UK with the opportunity to collectivise its obligations to ACP Commonwealth states and a framework for its development cooperation relations across the Global South. This has augmented British leadership in global development and the alignment of development policy and practice at the global, regional and national levels. This paper argues that withdrawal from the EU would be a lengthy and costly process that threatens to undermine the UK’s position in global development, current levels and sources of development funding and existing and nascent trade relations. While this will present particular challenges for ACP Commonwealth states, there may also be opportunities to propose and advocate for alternative frameworks. However, recent changes to the UK’s post-referendum political leadership does not augur well for those hoping for a roll back of pressures for liberalisation and associated reforms.  相似文献   

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Eva Namusoke 《圆桌》2016,105(5):463-476
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The Commonwealth has long been conceptualised as ‘a family of nations’ in a reflection of the size, diversity and shared values of the organisation. As the discussion in post-Brexit Britain engages with questions of race and immigration, it is important to consider the role the Commonwealth played in the referendum campaigns. The combination of the Leave campaign’s promises to reinforce ties with ‘kith and kin’ in Commonwealth countries with the xenophobia that defined the campaign prompts the question what exactly does the Commonwealth mean in modern Britain? The EU referendum revealed two Commonwealths—one reflecting the backgrounds of Britain’s ethnic minorities, and one centred on the three majority white nations of Australia, New Zealand and Canada. This article will offer an investigation of these conflicting visions of the Commonwealth in the referendum, as well as the voting motivations of Commonwealth nationals and British citizens of Commonwealth descent.  相似文献   

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印尼瓦希德政府的诞生标志着印尼政治进入新纪元、印尼社会开始逐步走上民主改革的道路。本文对瓦希德政府所面临的挑战和机遇作了分析 :印尼人民前进的方向是光明的、充满希望的  相似文献   

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Today many aspects of the Sino-Russian relationship are positive. The “strategic cooperative partnership” is supported by the Treaty for Good Neighborliness, Friendship, and Cooperation, as well as membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and a shared commitment to a multipolar world. Nevertheless, the economic foundation of the relationship is weak, energy cooperation has not reached its potential, and the two states have competing interests in Central Asia. Thus, this article argues that although the Sino-Russian relationship is multifaceted and based on practical considerations, there are nevertheless factors that limit the relationship. China and Russia have links with the West that sometimes interfere in their relationship with each other. Moreover, the legacy of history remains in the background of the relationship. Finally, Russia's demographic decline, combined with China's economic growth, creates questions for Russians regarding their long-term security vis-à-vis China.  相似文献   

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中国企业开拓印度市场的机遇与挑战   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
文富德 《当代亚太》2003,(11):22-27
印度众多的人口造就了一个巨大的潜在市场。 2 0世纪 90年代开始的经济改革加速了印度经济的发展 ,使潜在市场逐渐变成现实市场。随着印度经济改革的深入、中印关系的改善和中印成为世界贸易组织成员 ,印度市场为中国企业提供了许多重要的机遇。但繁琐而漫长的审批过程和实行严厉的反倾销措施等不利条件又给中国企业开拓印度市场提出了严峻的挑战。中国企业应该抓住机遇 ,应对挑战 ,积极开拓印度市场。  相似文献   

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上海合作组织:抓住新机遇,迎接新挑战   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
首先,我对国家开发银行-华东师范大学上海合作组织研究院的揭牌表示热烈祝贺.我对上海合作组织有着深厚的感情.从这个组织一开始,甚至还没有产生,我就参与了这个过程.现在虽然离开了上海合作组织秘书处,但我一直关心着这一组织的发展.因此,尽管有点勉为其难,我还是接受了上海合作组织研究院名誉院长这个称号,并愿为学院发展作出自己的努力.  相似文献   

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随着中韩FTA协定的签署,两国战略合作伙伴关系发展迎来了崭新时代。中韩在经济贸易、政治安全和社会人文等领域,面临新的更大的发展机遇和合作前景。不过,在新的形势下中韩战略合作伙伴关系发展也面临一些新问题和新挑战。比如:推动实现中韩之间"无国界"的内需市场建设、有效平衡域内多种模式的自由贸易规则、进一步加强政治安全互信、维护朝鲜半岛局势的和平与稳定、防止和消除极端民族主义倾向,等等。对此,一要积极发展中韩关系,不断提升战略高度;二要密切政治安全合作,保持重大事件沟通;三要加强社会人文交流,防止极端民族主义。  相似文献   

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