Post-9/11 Security in South Asia

The September 11 terrorist attacks and the consequent U. S. ac- tions on terrorism as well as its adjustment of global strategy have ex- erted an in-depth influence on international and regional security struc- ture. As the neighboring region of Afghanistan the target state of American war on terror, it is more difficult for South Asia to keep aloof from the affairs. Greater changes have taken place in security situation in the region and in Washington's countermeasures as well. First is ab…     

The Post-9/11 World and China(I)

Editor's note:The terroristattack on September11, 2001 is the mostnotable e-vent that has taken place since the end of the Cold War. On the fifthanniversary of the September 11 attacks, the editorial department ofContemporary International Relationssponso…     

9·11恐怖事件中的美国华人

震惊世界的“9·11”事件对美国华人社会而言,不仅是一次灾难,也是一次团结起来让美国人重新认识华人社会的机会。     

9·11事件严重冲击非洲经济

9·11事件以前，国际金融机构大多看好非洲经济的中短期前景。国际货币基金组织2001年5月发表的《世界经济展望》预测，2001年非洲经济将增长4．2％，2002年将达到4．4％。9·11事件使美国经济遭到重创，势必殃及全球。……     

9．11事件后印度的考量

9 11事件后 ,印度立即表示“无条件支持美国反对国际恐怖主义”的立场 ,积极加入国际反恐怖主义联盟。由于美国对印度的反应采取冷淡的态度 ,反而把巴基斯坦作为反恐怖主义的前线国家 ,印度表现出无奈、担扰和愤怒。通过冷静的思索后 ,印度反映出对美国许多的奉劝、呼吁和要求 ,加强多边双边的外交活动。     

9·11事件与中东社会思潮

9·11事件发生在美国，探讨恐怖主义的根源必须研究中东反美思潮的起因。全球化带来的负面冲击，伊斯兰世界遭受的不公正待遇，中东问题长期悬而未决，一系列问题促使伊斯兰国家愤怒、跑望、焦虑而又无奈的情绪和受辱感迅速膨胀，极端社会思潮重新抬头，而这股思潮正好被恐怖分子所利用。     

"9·11事件"与中美关系

"9·11"事件后,美国及其他国家许多学者就该事件对中美关系的影响纷纷发表看法,中国学者反而相对沉稳.本文首先对这一现象进行分析.在梳理目前发表的有关评论基础上,认为,"9·11"虽为改善中美关系提供了契机,但"反恐合作"难以成为中美之间的战略基础.理由是双方对"反恐合作"的期待不同,对涉及"恐怖主义"的一系列相关问题认知不尽一致.但同时认为,充分把握"联合反恐"这一难得契机增进互信,并以开放的心态看待美俄等大国关系的新发展,有助于逐步垒高中美之间的战略基石.     

CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN RUSSIA AFTER 9–11

Can military reform in Russia become a reality, or is it doomed forever to the status of oxymoron? The answer to this question will have as much to do with US-Russian relations as with internal Russian politics and finance. Despite a warm personal friendship between Presidents Putin and Bush, polls show the Russian people remain highly ambivalent about US policies and intentions toward Russia and the CIS. Many inside and outside the military believe the United States will use the war in Afghanistan and its foothold in Central Asia to encircle and weaken Russia. This thinking has spilled over into attacks on Putin for his attempts at military reform, particularly his decision to de-emphasize the strategic nuclear forces. While Putin has made some courageous moves to stem corruption and bring the military to heel, in other cases he has been forced to back off in order to avoid a political backlash. As a result, military reform continues to proceed in fits and starts, still more oxymoron than reality.     

“9·11”与全球战略稳定

“9·11”恐怖袭击凸显了国际体系的结构性缺陷及其深刻矛盾,标志着美国霸权已经发展到某种极限,不仅改变了美国主要的安全关注,还冲击甚至打破了原有国际战略关系的框架,直接影响着原有的全球战略稳定,并从反面推动着大国之间必不可少的协调和全球治理的深化,从而有利于达成一种新的战略平衡。随着国际关系向复杂化方向不断发展变化,在混沌中理清和维护必要的秩序,建立和强化新的全球战略稳定,已经成为大国不可回避的责任。     

New Structures of American Foreign Strategy Since 9/11-Seeking Cooperation with Asia-Pacific Countries

When George W. Bush entered the White House in early 2001, American foreign policy was based on unilateral principles and favored disengagement from global conflict resolution. The United States declared it's decision to withdraw from the Kyoto protocol, refused to negotiate with North Korea, and, in particular, it's pursuit of a national ballistic missile defense system, in face of global opposition, further reinforced the position of its unilateralism. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 came as a shock to the world. The United States suffered not only physical casualties, but felt a psychological blow as well. For the first time since the 1941 Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the United States had been attacked at home. Unlike Pearl Harbor, the attacks on September 11 targeted civilians and the cornerstones of the American way of life- their financial and government centers. The terrorist attacks forced the Bush administration to re-examine it approach to foreign policy. Seeking cooperation with other powers will be the new choice for American foreign strategy.     

The right to commemoration and “ideal victims”: the puzzle of victim dissatisfaction with State-led commemoration after 9/11 and 3/11

This article explores the puzzle of victim dissatisfaction with State-led commemoration following 9/11 and 3/11 by offering a cross-national case study through which to view key areas of theoretical debate in the sociology of human rights, cultural trauma and collective memory, and the politics of victimhood. Although State-led commemorative processes are often highly contested, we would expect them to be less so in the cases of 9/11 and 3/11, given broad social consensus about the victims’ right to commemoration and the traumatic nature of the events, and especially the “ideal nature” of the victims who as symbolic representatives of the State are conferred with great moral authority. Drawing on primary and secondary data on the commemoration of the attacks of 11th September 2001 and 11th March 2004 we find that despite sharp differences between commemorative processes, three common key areas of contestation and dissatisfaction for victims emerge: political instrumentalisation, hierarchies of worth and exclusion. We show how the status of ideal victimhood for victims of transnational terrorism carries within it an inherent paradox which provides the key to their dissatisfaction, namely the moral authority conferred on them as representatives of the State simultaneously depersonalises them, excluding them as individuals with rights and needs.     

“There’s only three things he mentions in a sentence – a noun,a verb and 9/11”: terrorism,fear and the after,after 9/11

In the years since 11 September 2001, pundits, politicians and scholars of terrorism and international relations routinely have declared that 9/11 “changed everything”. This article explores not only how those decisions transformed the United States and the global response to terrorism, but also how both the decisions and response sustained a sense of fear. Further, they made possible, to paraphrase then candidate Joseph Biden’s critique of former New York Mayor Rudy Guiliani, the framing of so much of the global political debate about terrorism, and national security references as simply 9/11 accompanied by a noun and a verb. Finally, the article examines the consequences of this framing for not only our understanding of terrorism, but also our understanding of terrorism and violence within the current global system.     

"9·11"后的南亚安全

"9·11"恐怖袭击以及之后美国打击恐怖主义的行动及其全球战略的调整对国际及地区安全格局产生了深刻的影响。作为与美国反恐战争的对象国--阿富汗相邻的地区,南亚更难置身其外。该地区的安全形势和美国的对策均有较大变化。     

"9·11"以来的国际变局

“9·11事件”是冷战结束后最具标志性的事件。值此“9·11”五周年之际,《现代国际关系》编辑部举办了“‘9·11’以来国际形势变化与中国外交”专题研讨会,邀请在京二十余位国际问题专家就五年来的国际形势变化、反恐形势、当前国际体系中的深层矛盾、大国关系的调整、国际格局的演变趋势、美国反恐的得与失、美国国际地位及实力的升与降、中国国际地位与国际战略等问题进行了深入分析和探讨。现将与会专家学者的主要观点辑录刊发,以期对读者把握国际战略形势及理解中国对外战略有所裨益。     

9·11事件对以色列经济的影响

在岁末年初，以色列中央统计局和财政部相继公布了以色列在2001年的经济状况：国内生产总值下降0.5％，是自1953年出现1.4％的负增长以来最大幅度的下降；人均国内生产总值下降……     

中美关系进入后"9·11"时期

中美建交以来,两国关系一直在波折、动荡和起伏中向前发展.近来,美国朝野涌动着一股妄图使中美关系倒退的逆流,这是中美关系进入后"9·11"时期出现的波折,也是中美关系的常态.中美关系是可以管理的,这就是要在多个领域加强沟通,增进互信,健全双边机制,加强磋商和协作,寻求双赢.     

9·11事件对中东局势的影响

9·11事件对世界局势产生了深远的影响,美国对阿富汗的军事行动拉开了对“国际恐怖主义”进行军事打击的序幕,对中东局势的影响也是多方面的,引起了人们的关注和思考。……