全媒体时代的网络意识形态话语权建构

全媒体时代,互联网已成为意识形态领域斗争的主战场。落后腐朽的意识形态在网上传播,西方国家加紧意识形态扩张,全媒体渗透成为新形式,我国主流意识形态的指导地位面临严峻挑战。直面现实,必须强化意识形态主阵地,建构网络意识形态话语权,努力做到:强基固本,创新发展马克思主义意识形态话语体系;积极转型,实现主流意识形态话语表达的方式转换;主动出击,拓展意识形态话语国际影响力。     

主流意识形态大众话语方式建构的三重维度

主流意识形态话语权的强弱与其话语方式为广大民众所理解、接受和认同的程度息息相关。近年来,西方社会思潮和价值观的不断扩张使马克思主义作为我国主流意识形态的大众话语面临新的挑战,为此,要不断创新主流意识形态的大众话语表达方式,使之契合民众的认知结构、话语结构。当前,应注重从三个维度构建主流意识形态大众话语方式,即主体维度,着力打造一支信仰坚定的马克思主义理论工作者队伍;客体维度,创新契合现时代需要的大众话语体系;载体维度,加强对主流意识形态的宣传教育工作。     

加强党在网络空间主流意识形态话语权的建构

在网络空间成为国家继陆、海、空、天四个疆域之后的"第五疆域"之后,网络空间的意识形态话语权争夺呈现出新特征新变化。直面现实,当前我国网络空间的主流意识形态话语权建设存在着传播力受到很大限制、控制力受到严重削弱、主导力受到多样化社会思潮的消解、话语权受到西方"话语霸权"的挤压和冲击等方面的问题与挑战。因此,应大力加强党在网络空间主流意识形态话语权的建构,从中国特色社会主义话语体系的建设、创新和领导干部网络意识形态能力提升等方面予以推进。     

主流意识形态大众话语方式建构的三重维度

<正>主流意识形态话语权的强弱与其话语方式为广大民众所理解、接受和认同的程度息息相关。近年来,西方社会思潮和价值观的不断扩张使马克思主义作为我国主流意识形态的大众话语面临新的挑战,为此,要不断创新主流意识形态的大众话语表达方式,使之契合民众的认知结构、话语结构。当前,应注重从三个维度构建主流意识形态大众话语方式,即主体维度,着力打造一支信仰坚定的马克思主义理论工作者队     

坚持马克思主义在意识形态领域指导地位的三维审视

从政治诉求层面看,意识形态是一项极端重要的工作,坚持马克思主义在意识形态领域的指导地位是我们党在新时代维护国家安全与团结统一的必然要求。从社会发展样态层面看,意识形态领域的斗争正以新的形式延续展现,多种社会思潮企图争夺马克思主义的话语权,马克思主义的指导地位正面临多方面挑战。对接现实层面,作为被实践充分证明了的科学的世界观和方法论,我们必须坚定马克思主义的指导地位不改旗、不易帜,从理论学习、主体责任和宣传平台等层面增强理论张力,提升话语定力,完善技术领力,才能有效凝聚中国精神和中国力量,增强意识形态的核心竞争力。     

当代中国政治认同的意识形态视域分析

意识形态通过"合法性"与政治认同相联结。意识形态为政治权力提供合法性证明,为政治认同的生成提供稳定环境,为政治认同的发展提供持续动力。中国古代的儒家思想、近代主流意识形态的渐变以及现代以来马克思主义中国化的曲折发展均对其所在时代的政治认同产生了深远影响。当代中国社会发展中存在的利益分化、虚拟网络化、社会思潮多样化、马克思主义理论创新乏力等弱化了主流意识形态的引领力、传播力、影响力和生命力,对政治认同产生了消极影响。为此,应大力加强社会主义意识形态建设,推进当代中国政治认同的巩固和发展。     

话语整合与马克思主义意识形态主导地位的巩固

话语整合是政治话语、学术话语及大众话语的力量博弈。话语体系是马克思主义意识形态传播和表述的载体,巩固马克思主义意识形态的主导地位必须重视话语整合。当代中国马克思主义意识形态的主导地位面临着诸多新课题,其中话语力量的分散是重要方面,这主要体现在:政治话语力量的弱化、学术话语力量的滞后和信息时代大众话语力量的崛起。从话语整合的角度看,巩固马克思主义意识形态主导地位,必须注重话语建设,通过提升政治话语影响力、推动学术话语的协调作用和促进大众话语的理性回归,增强对社会生活的说服力、解释力。     

马克思主义意识形态理论创新的价值与对策

运用文献分析法,分析依托互联网发展,新媒体技术被广泛应用,逐渐成为信息传播的重要载体和媒介,在此背景下我国马克思主义意识形态建设将面临崭新的社会格局并面临巨大的挑战,进而揭示创新和加强我国马克思主义意识形态的研究具有极其重要的时代价值,并在上述分析的基础上提出对策:在实践中要充分利用多媒体的新平台传播马克思主义;构建中国特色社会主义意识形态理论话语体系;加强中国智库制度的建设。     

社会思潮与国家意识形态安全

社会思潮是社会意识形态与社会心理相互转换的桥梁,在国家意识形态安全中起着"晴雨表"和调节器的作用.当前社会思潮日益多样化,更加关注现实问题,影响力增强.分化趋势加快,彼此间相互影响增强,与主流意识形态的关系愈加复杂.有效疏导社会思潮的根本途径是构建社会主义核心价值体系,加强中国特色的政治意识形态价值的感召力.     

当代中国马克思主义话语权能力体系探析

马克思主义话语权是当代中国国家政治权力与文化软实力的重要组成部分。话语权能力是话语主体获取马克思主义话语权直接有效的主观条件和内在根据。从话语权形成的社会实践过程来看,马克思主义话语权能力是一个体系,主要由话语创新能力、话语传播能力、话语抗辩能力与话语实践能力有机构成。当代中国马克思主义话语体系的实践效果是话语权能力检验的根本尺度,不仅体现于话语体系的创新性、真理性和现实解释力,而且彰显于对话语对象的强大说服力,表征为其对马克思主义的深刻认同和对各种"非马""反马"思潮的自觉免疫。     

How to Build a ‘Beautiful China’ in the Anthropocene. The Political Discourse and the Intellectual Debate on Ecological Civilization

The aim of this article is to contribute to the debate on global prosperity in the post-GDP world, with specific attention given to the political discourse and intellectual debate on ecological civilization in China. I will first assess the national and international implications of assuming that China as a whole is a ‘locality’. I will then focus specifically on one of the most significant political and intellectual debates in Chinese studies today, namely the social and environmental challenges linked to China’s political and socio-economic development. In this light, I will engage with the debate on the Anthropocene - the era during which humans have become an earth-altering force – and its interrelationship with the discourse on ecological civilization. In China, the term ‘ecological civilization’ appeared in the 1980s in the academic domain and was then appropriated by political discourse. This article proves that the concept of eco-civilization, in a similar way to the Anthropocene, has a significant discursive power: it allows for a shift from the binary political economy discourses of ‘growth’ versus ‘development’, and ‘socialism’ versus ‘capitalism’, to the inquiry of eco-socially sustainable prosperity. The final aim of this article is both to offer a more nuanced analysis of the relationship between the political discourse and academic debate, and to substantiate the rhetoric trope of ‘Advancing Ecological Civilization and Building a Beautiful China’.     

Correspondence

The paper argues for the possibility of reworking the concept of ideology in such a way as to depend neither on a problematic of truth and error, nor on a division of the world into two parts one of which is more real than the other, nor on an expressive relation of subjects to meaning. The political force of the concept can be retained if ideology is thought as a provisional state of discourse (a function of its appropriation and use) rather than as a content or an inherent structure. Any discursive system produces a particular configuration of subject-positions which are the conditions of entry of individuals into discourse; but these acquire political significance only through the (historically variable) codification of discourse in terms of a play of relations of power, and the positions available can be refused or undermined. Some implications of this argument for models of the social and for discourse theory are discussed     

Introduction: Ideology,Propaganda, and Political Discourse in the Xi Jinping Era

The ideology, propaganda, and political discourse of the Communist Party of China (CPC) have continued to function as key elements of the political system of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the post-Maoist period since 1978. In the first term of the Xi Jinping leadership (2012–2017), the CPC, for instance, elaborated on its guiding ideological concepts, devised inventive ideational framings of phenomena usually perceived as tangible (such as the “New Normal”), engaged in complex intellectual debates on crucial topics (such as “eco-civilization”), intensified and diversified its argumentation patterns and discursive strategies, and consolidated ideational governance over some citizens’ individual values, beliefs, and loyalties. Furthermore, it is often no longer possible to differentiate between the CPC’s internal and external propaganda, as seemingly exclusively domestic ideational and discursive issues increasingly correlate with international phenomena. However, the trends in the Xi era do not present paradigmatic shifts, but rather an overall reassertion-cum-innovation of previous Maoist and post-Maoist uses of ideology, propaganda, and political discourse, primarily aiming at strengthening one-party rule.     

Capitalism,nature, socialism a theoretical introduction∗

This article expounds the traditional Marxist theory of the contradiction between forces and relations of production, over‐production of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis‐induced restructuring of productive forces and production relations into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. This exposition provides a point of departure for an “ecological Marxist”; theory of the contradiction between capitalist production relations and forces and the conditions of production, under‐production of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis‐induced restructuring of production conditions and the social relations thereof also into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. In short, there may be not one but two paths to socialism in late capitalist society.

While the two processes of capital over‐production and underproduction are by no means mutually exclusive, they may offset or compensate for one another in ways which create the appearance of relatively stable processes of capitalist development. Study of the combination of the two processes in the contemporary world may throw light on the decline of traditional labor and socialist movements and the rise of “new social movements”; as agencies of social transformation. In similar ways that traditional Marxism illuminates the practises of traditional labor movements, it may be that “ecological Marxism”; throws light on the practices of new social movements. Although ecology and nature; the politics of the body, feminism, and the family; and urban movements and related topics are usually discussed in post‐Marxist terms, the rhetoric deployed in this article is self‐consciously Marxist and designed to appeal to Marxist theorists and fellow travelers whose work remains within a “scientific”; discourse hence those who are least likely to be convinced by post‐Marxist discussions of the problem of capital's use and abuse of nature (including human nature) in the modern world. However, the emphasis in this article on a political economic “scientific”; discourse is tactical, not strategic. In reality, more or less autonomous social relationships, often non‐capitalist or anti‐capitalist, constitute “civil society,”; which needs to be addressed on its own practical and theoretical terms. In other words, social and collective action is not meant to be construed merely as derivative of systemic forces, as the last section of the article hopefully will make clear.     

RESURRECTING THE DISMAL PARSON: MALTHUS, ECOLOGY, AND POLITICAL THOUGHT

Abstract: Although a familiar figure in the history of ideas, Malthus has been trivialized, misunderstood and ignored, particularly as a political thinker. Yet his most famous work, the Essay on Population , was conceived and gained recognition as a contribution to a passionate political debate. His major feat—the powerful introduction of an ecological viewpoint into political and social theory—was later over-shadowed by the theory of evolution and the eventual decline of biologically oriented ideology. With the current resurgence of biology as a basis for social science and political ideology his work has a new relevance. In its content and development Malthus's thought is both rich and complex, while his argument provides a useful eighteenth-century parallel to the modern'ecological'debate. The'dismal parson'deserves resurrection as a major figure in the history of political theory.     

封建残余思想文化对廉政制度执行力的影响

思想文化对廉政制度执行力的影响是无形而又深刻的,封建残余思想文化作为一种消极腐朽的理念意识,在廉政制度执行的依据、主体、监督、环境等要素环节中制约着执行力的提高。具体表现为重实体轻程序的法制观念、人治大于法治的官僚主义、奴性思维下的顺民心理及注重熟人社会的交往模式等,因此,要积极吸取国内外优秀廉政建设成果,用以构建中国特色廉政文化,在廉政制度的设计与执行中要注重发挥廉政文化的积极影响,通过培养国民的公民意识提高群众的监督意识,从而不断提升廉政制度的执行力,促进反腐倡廉建设的深入开展。     

新时代意识形态安全态势的变化向度与应对策略——深刻领会习近平关于意识形态安全重要论述的精髓要义

意识形态领域是政治安全的前沿阵地,意识形态安全关乎全局,是总体国家安全的重要基石。意识形态安全形势在与国际形势和社会转型的链接中不断发展变动,当前,我国发展进入风险挑战不断积累甚至集中显露的时期,意识形态领域的安全态势发生深刻变化。党的十八大以来,习近平总书记审视治国理政全局,科学标识意识形态安全的战略定位,深刻洞察意识形态安全态势的变化向度和未来走向,为新形势下进一步维护意识形态安全提供了思想指引和实践遵循。新时代,应以习近平总书记关于意识形态安全的重要论述为指导,积极探索维护意识形态安全的着力点,构建牢固的意识形态安全防线,从而为维护国家长治久安和社会稳定发展提供坚实支撑。     

The Conceptual History of Social Justice

Social justice is a crucial ideal in contemporary political thought. Yet the concept of social justice is a recent addition to our political vocabulary, and comparatively little is known about its introduction into political debate or its early theoretical trajectory. Some important research has begun to address this issue, adding a valuable historical perspective to present-day controversies about the concept. This article uses this literature to examine two questions. First, how does the modern idea of social justice differ from previous conceptualisations of justice? Second, why and when did social justice first emerge into political discourse?     

Politics Without Borders: Internationalist Political Thought

This article examines the place of internationalism in the theory and practice of social revolutionaries from the middle of the 19th century to the end of the 20th in order to shed light on the nature and meaning of national boundaries and their transcendence. Theories of ideology are brought to bear on the legacy of internationalist political thought, revealing the preconditions of its existence and viability. Finally, questions are posed as to the relevance of internationalist thought for contemporary politics in the context of so-called globalization. The author concludes that economic and technological trends will not result in the automatic revitalization of transnational forms of political identity outside of the context of transnational political organizations.     

“变中求统”:大一统政治思想研究中的语境与逻辑问题

大一统作为一种重要的中国传统政治思想和实践遗产,时至今日仍深刻影响着中国的现实政治发展。围绕着大一统内涵、过程、性质与影响的认识与评价,思想史研究中也长期存在着诸多争论。但无论对于大一统本身所持态度如何,争论各方往往都倾向于将大一统视为一种独立于语境之外的固定结构。作为一种限制性认识前提,这无疑妨碍了对于大一统政治思想与实践发展史的全面理解,更影响到从学理逻辑上阐释大一统与现代中国国家建设与治理事业的内在关联。有鉴于此,在大一统政治思想研究中,有必要超越“正典解读”的束缚,以变的思维考察统的历程,同时也以统的逻辑来整合变的史实,将对大一统的思想史解读放在问题逻辑的语境中,关照智识语境与政治语境对其评价的影响,并慎重地探讨其内涵的普遍性与特殊性规律。唯其如此,对大一统的关照和本土化阐释才真正具有了历史性。