如何提高领导干部总揽全局的综合素质

江泽民同志在党的十六大报告中明确提出 :面对执政条件和社会环境的变化 ,“各级领导干部要不辱使命 ,不负重托 ,就要适应新形势新任务的要求 ,在实践中掌握新知识 ,积累新经验 ,增长新本领。……必须立足全党全国工作大局 ,坚定不移地贯彻党的路线方针政策 ,善于结合实际创造性地开展工作 ,不断提高总揽全局的能力。”[1] 我们要想顺利完成十六大提出的各项任务 ,早日实现全面小康的奋斗目标 ,就必须认真按照十六大报告提出的要求 ,尽快提高领导干部的综合素质。这样 ,才能担负起时代赋予的责任和使命。下面 ,拟就领导干部如何以十六大精神…     

Chronicling China's Political Journey

Leading Chinese political scientist Zhao Baoxu has produced an overview of the evolution of China’s political structure, its political studies as well as its foreign policy over the past six decades in his latest book In Pursuit of Harmony: An Academic Anthology of Zhao Baoxu. The English edition of this anthology was published by the Beijing-based Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press in November 2008. In its preface, former Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing called it a crystallization of a seasoned professor’s research efforts over more than half a century. In a critique for Beijing Review, Wang Yong, a professor of the School of International Studies at Peking University and Director for the Center for International Political Economy at the university, underlined the relevance and significance of Zhao’s views. Edited excerpts follow:     

中国政治学术研究与政治实践的价值取向

中国政治学恢复为一门独立的社会科学以来,取得了相当大的发展,但与当前中国特色社会主义事业对政治学提出的要求还有较大差距。基于政治学研究的特殊属性,只有在中国特色社会主义民主政治建设的过程中实现政治学术研究与政治实践求真、求实、求善、求美的价值取向,才可能实现二者结合与共赢。     

党的领导与政治文明建设

建设社会主义政治文明是全面建设小康社会的一个重要目标,推进社会主义政治文明建设,必须把党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国统一起来,必须改革和完善党的领导方式和执政方式。     

The Communist Party of China Has Always Been the Firm Core of Leadership for China's Human Rights Development and Progress

Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the human rights cause in China has developed and progressed through the period of democratic revolution, the early founding of the People's Republic of China, the new period of reform and openingup, and the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics. all previous national Congresses of the Communist Party of China have made illustrations and arrangements on human rights issues, and the successive Party leaders have made important expositions on human rights issues. The Party and the state have enacted a series of policies, laws, and regulations to protect human rights in various periods. China has made historic and great achievements in human rights practice and created a human rights development path suited to China's national conditions. China's human rights development over the past century has fully proved that the CPC has always been, and it remains, the firm core of leadership for China's human rights development and progress.     

Nationalism,Ideology and China's ‘Fourth Generation’ Leadership

This paper examines the extent to which China's ‘Fourth generation’ leadership might be inclined to place a greater emphasis on nationalist rhetoric both in China's international relations and in domestic policy. It explores two different views of nationalism, namely state-centred and popular. With the decline in the public impact of official ideology, the Party–state has given tacit recognition to nationalism as one potential source of regime legitimisation. However, this article argues that by placing the Party at the centre of the official discourse the state-centred view of nationalism restricts the extent to which the Party–state can mobilise nationalist symbolism in support of its leadership and makes the Party vulnerable to criticism from more popular conceptions of nationalism. The priority given to developing the economy means China's leaders must downplay popular criticism which can focus on the negative consequences of China's growing interaction with the wider world. Under China's ‘Fourth generation’ leadership this tension may deepen. China's new leadership are unlikely to resort to ‘wrapping themselves in the flag’ as some commentators have suggested.     

中国比较政治学的研究议程问题

中国政治所处的历史语境决定了中国比较政治学的研究议程不同于看上去很发达的西方的、尤其是美国的比较政治学。中国政治学的比较研究是为了加强本国的制度建设,而美国政治学的比较研究则主要是为了向别国推广自己的制度。中国自己的语境决定了,比较政治学应该聚焦于比较政治发展道路、国家建设或政治发展的次序、治理危机和治理质量等四个在历史逻辑上相互关联的重大议程。     

Leadership Lineup of State Organs And the Political Advisory Body

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先进的政党需要真实健康的集体领导

在实行集体领导方面,我们党有不少好经验,也有很多教训.集体领导坚持不好的原因主要有:体制原因、具体工作方法和思想方法原因、历史原因.正确实行集体领导应着力解决两个基本问题.     

增强政治责任意识 推进领导作风建设

党的十七大报告中提出,要保证人民赋予的权力始终用来为人民谋利益。增强政治责任意识则是党在十七大报告中提出的新一轮民主政治建设和责任政府建设的核心,也是全社会思想道德建设的关键所在。各级党委和政府在把思想统一到中央精神的基础上,要切实担负起政治责任。政治责任是公共权力行使者的首要责任,是行使公共权力的人或政府组织对公共权力所有者（全体人民）的政治生活所承担的责任,它与道德责任、法律责任、行政责任等密切相关。     

The Secret to China's Social Progress

正The State Council Information Office released a white paper on August 12 titled Moderate Prosperity in All Respects:Another Milestone Achieved in China' s Human Rights.Chiiia' s realization of moderate prosperity for all serves as a solid foundation for human rights,according to the white paper.It represents the comprehensive progress made in China,and a new contnbution to the world's human rights cause.China' s approach and experience have provided a distinctive path forward for human progress, it says.The Chinese people completed a historic transformation over the past decades,moving from poverty to secure access to food and clothing,to a decent life,and finally to moderate prosperity,mirroring the true meaning of human rights.     

Domestic Institutional Constraints on China's Leadership in East Asian Economic Cooperation Mechanisms

The study of Chinese foreign policy has long shown that domestic politics and domestic constraints are sources of foreign policy, albeit generally considered less potent than ideology and interests. Domestic political constraints should also be explored as factors in Chinese regional policies toward East Asia, including regional economic institutions. This paper examines three domestic institutional constraints on regional foreign policy in the area of trade and economics: a fragmented decision-making structure that has difficulty with coordination, a relatively heavy reliance on top level decision-makers at a time when issues of Asian economic policy have relatively low priority for these same decision-makers, and the relatively extreme lack of autonomy for negotiators vis-á-vis top decision-makers in Beijing. These constraints are by any means unique to China. However, at a time when many observers and participants are expecting—indeed, often hoping for—Chinese leadership in the region, the paper posits that these constraints hinder the PRC's ability to fill this role. The key empirical focus is regional trade agreements and regional economic organizations.     

当代中国政治参与与政治稳定论纲

当代中国政治参与的质和量都有新的特点,政治稳定的局面持续发展.政治参与与政治稳定相互作用,有其特殊规律,我国要保持政治参与与政治稳定的和谐统一,使政治体制改革跟上经济体制改革的步伐.     

The Social and Political Implications of China's WTO Membership

China will join the WTO soon. This article does not question the rationale of China's decision to join the WTO; nor does it challenge the premise that, all in all, the potential benefits from WTO membership outweigh the potential costs, at least in the long term. Rather, it focuses on the social and political implications of China's WTO membership. It is assumed that even if WTO membership is potentially a productivity-enhancing move for China, the benefits and costs of such a change will not be evenly distributed. Unless there is a mechanism that can induce or force the winners to compensate the losers, distributive conflicts between the two groups will be inevitable. Such conflicts may weaken or even erode political support for globalization. Thus, to remain committed to globalization, the government of an open economy must play a role in redistributing gains and costs. The first section elaborates this analytical framework. The second section argues that Chinese reforms have changed from a win‐win game to a zero-sum game. As a result, China has turned itself from a relatively egalitarian society into one with huge and growing inequalities. The third section analyzes who will stand to win and lose when China joins the WTO. It predicts that precisely those social groups who have borne the costs of recent reforms will be hit hardest. More significantly, those losers happen to be the social groups that have long served as the political bases of the communist regime. WTO membership thus poses a challenge to the legitimacy of the Chinese government. The final section discusses the political implications of China's WTO membership.     

当代中国政治制度与文化软实力发展

文化软实力包括制度文化软实力和观念文化软实力两个部分,优越的政治制度本身就是制度文化软实力的体现。当代中国政治制度具有文化软实力特征:对内有凝聚力,对外有一定的吸引力。但是,当代中国政治制度也面临一些困境。只有走出困境,才能更好地展现中国政治制度的文化软实力。     

关于人民政协在我国政治体制中的地位问题

准确把握人民政协在我国政治体制中的地位,是充分发挥人民政协在我国政治生活中作用的关键.虽然中共中央已明确人民政协是我国政治体制的重要组成部分,但对其内涵许多人并不清楚.本文通过对人民政协在中国政治体制中地位的历史考察,对上述论断给予全面解读,系统分析回答了人民政协在中国政治体制中的地位问题.     

Strengthening and Professionalizing Political Education in China's Higher Education

Party control over higher education in reform-era China has been a relatively neglected topic in the extant literature. Seeking to remedy this neglect, this article focuses on an aspect of the topic that has remained unstudied in Western scholarship: namely, the post-1989 regime's efforts to strengthen and professionalize political education (PE) in universities by intensifying the ‘disciplinary construction’ of PE. The article finds that these efforts have been partially successful in meeting the regime's objectives. The training of PE teachers has been considerably professionalized; PE courses have become more attractive and effective; and more students tend to accept the Party-sponsored views and policies taught in PE courses, and to support Party leadership.