31. Kongress der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie vom 7. bis 11. Oktober 2002 an der Universität Leipzig

Mitteilungen und Berichte

     

Patrioten für drei Wochen. Nationale Identifikation und die Fußballeuropameisterschaft 2012

Berliner Journal für Soziologie - Bei Welt- und Europameisterschaften im Fußball sympathisieren die Zuschauer in der Regel mit dem Nationalteam ihres Landes. Die Nationalmannschaft wird...     

Patrioten für drei Wochen. Nationale Identifikation und die Fußballeuropameisterschaft 2012

During a FIFA World Cup or a European Football Championship, spectators usually sympathise with their own country’s national team. The national team becomes a significant point of reference for national identification and – in the event of athletic success – a source of national pride. National identification, however, may be expressed as a patriotic feeling of belonging, but may also turn into negative, exaggerated nationalism which idealises the own nation and devalues outsiders. This paper investigates the patriotic and nationalistic attitudes before, during and after the European Football Championship 2012. To this end, longitudinal data from a student sample are analysed. Findings show that viewing the games of the German team is associated with a steep increase in patriotism and a moderate increase in nationalism. This rise results from the experience of strong, positive emotions, the involvement in collective rituals and the adoption of national symbols during the European Cup. In contrast, these effects were already markedly weaker only a few days after the end of the tournament. Thus, the European Football Championship has probably not produced a lasting change in patriotic or nationalistic attitudes.     

Pflegearbeit zwischen Fürsorge und Ökonomie. Längsschnittanalyse eines Klassikers der Pflegeausbildung

Residential care work is currently characterized by two rationalization processes: a professionalization of care and a commodification of health care. From both developments may arise conflicting demands and claims for the caregivers themselves, involving a change in the action guiding basis for orientations and the notions of “good care”. Textbooks are a key foundation for the development of the nursing self-image. Based on a longitudinal qualitative and quantitative content analysis of a classic nursing education textbook a transformation process from rational caring orientations to economic orientations can be shown. This is interpreted as a hybridization of the profession rationality of care, as part of the dual nature of care: on the one hand as a concretely useful rational caring work and on the other hand as a cost-benefit calculated production and exploitation process.     

Kongress der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Soziologie (SGS) an der Universität Zürich vom 1. bis 3. Oktober 2003 zum Thema „Triumph und Elend des Neoliberalismus“

Mitteilungen und Berichte

Kongress der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Soziologie (SGS) an der Universit?t Zürich vom 1. bis 3. Oktober 2003 zum Thema „Triumph und Elend des Neoliberalismus“     

Die Lassersche Wahlrechtsreform. Der Kampf um die Einführung der Volkswahl des cisleithanischen Abgeordnetenhauses 1871–1873

SUMMARY

After the creation of the Dual Monarchy of Austro-Hungary in 1867, the 17 kingdoms and provinces with a population of over 20 million gathered in the (Cisleithanian) Austrian half comprised a multitude of nationalities. Since 1861 they had been represented in the imperial council (Reichsrat) consisting of an aristocratic upper house and a lower house of representatives from the 17 local diets. The local diets were a modified form of Estates, with a first house of large landlords, a second house elected by those entitled to vote in urban elections, in some cases a third house for trade and craft bodies, and another house for rural communities. Many of these elections were also indirect and based on a property qualification, and bishops and others sat by right in the local diets. Deputies from the local diets to the imperial council were chosen in a variety of ways. Despite previous demands for direct elections, this remained only to a limited extent a constitutional monarchy. The non-German nationalities had an overall majority in the population but were severely underrepresented in the House of Deputies (Abgeordnetenhaus) and divided among themselves. The self-imposed absence of several of them from its sessions gave force to the demands for electoral reform and put pressure on the Emperor to grant concessions. Complex negotiations with the parties and changes of government led to the ministry in 1871 of Adolph Fürst Auersperg, who appointed Joseph Freiherr Lasser von Zollheim as Interior Minister with the task of completing the electoral reform. Thomas Olechowski proposes in this article that the measures eventually introduced in 1873, hitherto ‘nameless’, be named the Lasser Electoral Reform, on the analogy of later reforms named in the literature after their progenitors. Lasser resisted pressure for a more open constitution from the liberals who held an effective majority in the newly elected House of Deputies, but not the required two-thirds for constitutional change. It also proved difficult to satisfy the national elements in the Empire, especially Czechs and Poles, and hard-fought local elections accompanied the stages in introducing reform. Among many detailed plans publicly aired was one by Eduard Herbst which would have reduced the electoral advantage of the richest elements, but Lasser was able to recruit Herbst to help formulate his own more conservative proposals. Lasser's concern was to take the election of deputies away from the local diets, not to broaden the franchise nor alter the existing balance of power between countries and classes, and the Emperor too wanted minimal reform. Where popular unrest broke out, military force soon suppressed it. The withdrawal of a large Galician contingent from the debate in the House of Deputies failed to stop the legislation. The end result was only a small change in the balance between the provinces and a modest reduction in the representation of large landlords. Only 6 per cent of the population received the vote, with that of a large landlord counting 140 times that of a member of a rural community. Even so, the now directly elected imperial council proved less compliant than its predecessor, and new electoral reforms were to broaden the franchise in 1882, 1895 and 1907.     

Symbolische Grenzziehungen und nationale Herkunft. Eine explorative Studie über Distinktionsprozesse an einer multinationalen Schule in Brüssel

Despite processes of globalization and Europeanization, countries continue to differ not only in terms of their economic resources and political power, but also in terms of their reputation or “symbolic capital”. Drawing on the research literature on symbolic boundaries, the paper investigates to what extent the national origin of students at a multinational school shapes symbolic boundaries between them. The analysis is based on qualitative group interviews with students of a European School in Brussels, a uniquely Europeanized institution with the aim of educating the future citizens of Europe. It is shown that students draw symbolic boundaries in two steps. First, students classify their schoolmates in terms of categories specific to youth culture, including: (a) a specific youth lifestyle, (b) effortless academic achievement, (c) cosmopolitan values and (d) belonging to a dominant language group. In a second step, these primary categories are attributed to different national groups. As a consequence, a status hierarchy between countries emerges, primarily between Northwest-European and Eastern European countries. The results of this study point to the ongoing effects of national symbolic capital for processes of status differentiation, even within highly Europeanized contexts.     

Politische Redekultur in der Vormoderne. Die Oratorik europäischer Parlamente in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit

SUMMARY

Procedural delaying tactics (Obstruktion), including filibustering, have been used by parliamentary minorities overwhelmed by large majorities supporting a government. English in origin, they were widespread in Europe by the turn to the twentieth century as a consequence of liberal interpretations of the right to freedom of speech. Apart from England and the United States, the practice was especially prevalent in Austria and Hungary. Barna Mezey examines this issue in Hungary from 1846 until 1939, reviewing the historical, constitutional and legal aspects of obstructive measures and the steps taken against them within a comparative context. The Hungarian manifestation may be divided into simple obstruction (filibustering for several hours per speaker, days for the whole operation), technical (procedural delays, for which frequent lengthy votes were needed), and violent forms such as shouting and the throwing of objects. Only in the last case did Hungarian Speakers not hesitate to take countermeasures, including summoning the police.

After the Dual Monarchy was established, the minority in the Hungarian parliament claimed that its blocking actions were justified as the Compromise of 1867 led the government of Austro-Hungary to pursue policies not in the national interest. The Hungarian parliament was divided between those favouring the dynasty's attempt to create a more unified kingdom and those adhering to the principles of 1848. The latter were deprived of the chance of ever achieving office by the powers granted to the monarch in the Compromise. They felt driven to employ delaying tactics in an organized manner from 1872 onwards, when a proposed change in voting criteria would have greatly restricted the franchise. Another major conflict from 1896 was over measures to reduce the influence of the Church on marriage and to widen freedom of religion, including that for the Jews. An attempt to impose more discipline on debates in 1904 led the opposition to destroy all the furnishings of the debating chamber and precipitated the fall of the government. In 1912 the Speaker, acting for the government, used the police to remove the opposition from the chamber and push through a law introducing a two-year term for military service and other army reforms. Legislation at that time also prohibited procedural delaying measures, and in 1928 severe restrictions were placed on filibustering. The author also analyses the debate at the time among legal experts over the validity of these tactics, at the heart of which lay disagreements on the nature and limits of freedom of speech.     

Schaderpreis für Peter Graf Kielmansegg

Mitteilungen und Berichte

     

Breitgefcherte Aussichtfür InvestitionundKooperationderdeutschenGroβunternehmeninChina

ＢｒｅｉｔｇｅｆｃｈｅｒｔｅＡｕｓｓｉｃｈｔｆüｒＩｎｖｅｓｔｉｔｉｏｎｕｎｄＫｏｏｐｅｒａｔｉｏｎｄｅｒｄｅｕｔｓｃｈｅｎＧｒｏβｕｎｔｅｒｎｅｈｍｅｎｉｎＣｈｉｎａＬｉＣｈａｎｇｊｉｕＤｉｅＩｎｖｅｓｔｉｔｉｏｎｄｅｒｄｅｕｔｓｃｈｅｎＧｒｏβｕ...     

L''''ESSAI SUR LES CAUSES DE LA RUPTURE ENTRE LE P. C. F. ET LE P. S. EN 1977

1972年6月,法国共产党和法国社会党签署了《共同执政纲领》,翻开了法国左派各党联合的新篇章。1977年议会选举,左派联合大有改变右派长期当权的政治格局之势,形势对左派极为有利。然而在向夺取政权迈进之时,法共与社会党在如何实施《共同执政纲领》的问题上发生严重分歧,导致了法国两大左派党的分裂,左翼联盟在议会选举中失利。从表面上看,分歧的焦点在于国有化问题:法共要求大规模国有化,而社会党则反对。但从更深层次上看,国有化规模之大小以及如何管理国有化企业等问题与两党在未来左派政府中的地位及其在工会中的作用和影响息息相关。     

Schader-Preis 2010 für Professor Wolf Lepenies

Mitteilungen und Berichte

Schader-Preis 2010 für Professor Wolf Lepenies     

Die 195 in der Weltwirtschaft neuentstandenenFaktorenundihreEinflüsseaufChina

Ｄｉｅ１９５ｉｎｄｅｒＷｅｌｔｗｉｒｔｓｃｈａｆｔｎｅｕｅｎｔｓｔａｎｄｅｎｅｎＦａｋｔｏｒｅｎｕｎｄｉｈｒｅＥｉｎｆｌüｓｓｅａｕｆＣｈｉｎａＱｉｕＹｕａｎｌｕｎ〗Ｉｎｄｅｒｂｅｒｓｃｈｒｉｆｔｈｅｉβｔｅｓ：”Ｄｉｅ１９９５ｉｎｄｅｒＷｅｌｔｗｉ...     

印度尼西亚新任武装部队司令L.B.穆尔达尼

莱奥纳尔杜斯·本尼亚明·穆尔达尼(Leonardus Benyamin Moerdani)一九三二年十月二日生于中爪哇省的炽布,但长在梭罗市。人们一般都叫他本尼·穆尔达尼(Benny Moerdani)。他的父亲R·G·穆尔达尼·索斯罗迪尔佐是铁路局的职员,母亲罗克玛丽娅·杰阿娜是个荷印混血儿,妻子名叫T·哈尔蒂妮,独女丽娅是高中二年级     

Studien zum Untericht für deutsche Landeskunde

ＳｔｕｄｉｅｎｚｕｍＵｎｔｅｒｉｃｈｔｆüｒｄｅｕｔｓｃｈｅＬａｎｄｅｓｋｕｎｄｅＬｉＬｅｚｅｎｇＳｅｉｔｄｅｒＷｉｅｄｅｒａｕｆｎａｈｍｅｉｈｒｅｒｔｒａｄｉｔｉｏｎｅｌｅｎＶｅｒｂｉｎｄｕｎｇｍｉｔＤｅｕｔｓｃｈｌａｎｄｉｓｔｄｉｅＴｏｎｇｊ...     

Grundzüge des deutschen Parlamentarismus vor 1848

It is not the Confederation of the Rhine that marks the beginnings of early parliamentarism in Germany during the decades preceding the revolution of 1848/49; that phenomenon rather dates from after 1815 and therefore only belongs to the period after the foundation of the German Confederation. The fundamental laws of the Confederation determined that in Germany constitutions should be based on the traditional representative organs of the estates. Thus, most German States representative institutions were established that generally combined elements inherited from the former estates assemblies with more modern parliamentary ones. Only few German States remained without a parliament or restored the ancient representative system of social classes that had functioned until the eighteenth century. It is equally instructive to note that both great German powers of that time, Austria and Prussia, did not have national parliaments until 1848; assemblies of the estates merely existed in individual Austrian crown lands or Prussian provinces. On the contrary, it is in the smaller German States (Württemberg, Bavaria, Baden, and Hessen-Darmstadt were the first among them) that parliaments with political influence and in a modern sense representing the whole people were originally introduced. These states can therefore be considered as pioneers of German parliamentarism.