Security threats and institutional response. The European context

This paper will explore the perceptions of security threats (identification of types and likelihood of occurrence) and institutional response (degree of institutional suitability according to type of threat) that prevails in the European context. It will compare how the main security institutions (NATO, EU and OSCE) respond to different type of security threats. This will be done through the aid of a number of security governance functions (conflict prevention, peace-enforcement, peace-keeping and peace-building). A main objective of the paper will be to examine which of the three is deemed most relevant in dealing with specific types of threats.     

欧洲一体化研究的政治经济学方法

欧洲问题研究的传统方法包括传统政治学方法和传统经济学方法 ,前者建立在“国家中心论”、“主权和国家利益中心论”、“政治中心论”的基础上 ;后者可以分为一般的或规范的一体化经济学理论与方法和专门性或功能性一体化经济学的理论与方法两个层次 ,但是都将一体化进程中的政治和经济因素尽可能地分割开。政治经济学方法的基本特征就是强调政治与经济之间的互动关系。国际政治经济学则为欧洲一体化研究提供了一种分析问题的多重视角。根据政治经济学和国际政治经济学的基本原理 ,作者从研究欧洲一体化出发 ,提出了四个基本理论假设 ,并进行了学理上的分析     

Delegation of the Philippine Council of Young Political Leaders Visits China

An the invitation of the Chinese Association For International Understanding (CAFIU), Delegation of the Philippine Council of Young Political Leaders (PCYPL), headed by Mr. Adam Jala, member of the House of Representative visited China from Nov. 11 to 18, 2007. During its stay in Beijing, the delegation had meetings with Mr.     

东欧国家10年政治体制转轨

从1989年至今,整个东欧国家实行政治经济变革已走过10个年头.在政治转轨方面,虽然各国发展极不平衡,但它们的政治体制已一改日貌.可以说,所有东欧国家都基本确立了新的政治体制,即实行西方式的多党议会民主制.由于西方国家的政治制度在具体体制上千差万别,东欧国家的现行政治制度在具体体制上也不尽相同.例如,在政体方面,东欧国家都实行内阁制,但各国政府(总理)的产生方式及其权限,立法机关组成的类型及其权限,以及总统的产生方式、任期和权限等都各不相同.另外,虽然大多数东欧国家现行政治体制已开始正常运作,但仍存在许多亟待解决的问题.因此,在政治转轨方面,特别是要使现行政治体制完全成为西方式的"民主体制",整个东欧国家还有很长的路程要走.     

国内有关东欧国家政治转轨的研究综述

20世纪 80年代末 90年代初 ,东欧地区风云骤变 ,各国共产党相继失去执政地位 ,社会主义政权毁于旦夕之间。对于这一史无前例的事件 ,国内专家和学者给予了相当的关注 ,编撰了《东欧剧变纪实》、《东欧六国纵横》、《东欧剧变之后》、《东欧剧变与执政党建设》、《历史剧变——社会主义的挫折及其教训》、《谁主沉浮——对社会主义的回顾、思考与展望》、《东欧剧变的根源与教训》、《东欧演变的历史思考》、《苏联东欧剧变与马克思主义》等著作和《东欧民主社会主义探悉》、《东欧剧变的民族因素》、《东欧共产党社会民主党化的教训》、《东…     

《里斯本条约》后的欧盟政治发展

<里斯本条约>改革的核心实际上在于政治层面,从此欧洲一体化的重心从经济联盟转向了政治联盟的建设.政治联盟的建设主要体现在制度设计上,里约对欧盟进行了不少重要的制度创新和制度调整.里约改革使得原有的国家与超国家欧洲一体化分析范式面临挑战,国家与超国家的区分在新的欧盟中不再那么明显.把里约后的欧盟理解为一个超级国家,也许更能反映里约改革的真正意图.     

近一年来中东欧国家政治经济走向

中东欧国家政治经济继续稳步发展,但中欧与东南欧之间的差距也在不断扩大.中欧已基本实现政治民主化,经济自由化,而东南欧的政治、经济发展都比较缓慢.整个形势呈现出有利于中左翼的变化.     

国外有关东欧国家政治转轨的研究综述

作为人类历史上从未出现过的现象,东欧国家的政治转轨从一开始,就引起了国外学者,主要是欧美学者,也包括一些东欧国家学者的广泛关注和深入思考。他们依据多年形成的“民主化”理论和“民主制度”模式,分析东欧各国的“民主化”进程和影响“民主转轨和巩固”的因素,发表了大量有关政治转轨的著作和论文。以笔者所接触的英文论著,按内容可分为三大类: 1.反映某一国家转轨的情况。比如,阿格尼斯·哈瓦什、阿帕德·萨科尔塞所著《共产主义权     

European participation in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank: making strategic choice and seeking economic opportunities

This paper asks why half of the members of the European Union (EU) have chosen to join the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) in defiance of substantial pressure from Washington. If the AIIB is too good an economic opportunity for Europe to ignore, then why did the rest of the EU turn its back on this organization? To account for this apparent variation in the attitude of European countries, I argue that, ceteris paribus, changes in the strategic situation involving Europe, the USA, and China, as well as differing expectations of economic opportunities in a developing Asia, have led European countries in different directions. Those countries which are getting increasingly friendly with China, which results from increasing level of alliance security dilemma with the USA, and are highly dependent on the potentially gigantic Asian market are the most likely to follow China’s lead. Countries that are not so geared toward China or Asia are least likely to join the AIIB. Where only one of these factors is present, the country will remain hesitant. I test this argument using both quantitative and qualitative analysis. This includes probit analysis for 31 countries and three in-depth case studies involving Germany, Belgium, and Romania. These countries have a high, median, and low chance of joining the bank, respectively. The findings of both types of analysis support the proposed analytical framework.     

浅论中东欧国家政治体制的欧盟化问题

中东欧国家在上世纪80年代末发生剧变后,开始了其体制转轨。经过10多年的发展,在政治体制方面出现了与欧盟原有成员国的模式接近并趋同的过程,即欧盟化的过程。这种趋同既有中东欧国家自身的原因,又有欧盟的驱动和压力,欧盟对于中东欧国家的欧盟化过程提供了帮助和支持。当然,中东欧国家与欧盟原有成员国的模式相比仍有较大的差距。中东欧国家既面临本身机制转轨的压力,又面临加入欧盟的压力。这种双重压力在它们入盟后仍将继续存在,并影响其政治体制运行的质量和在欧盟中的地位。     

论美国东欧裔人在冷战中的政治活动与影响

美国东欧裔人的活动及其作用是一个值得关注的问题.由于冷战这个特殊的国际背景,使冷战期间美国东欧裔人面临前所未有的复杂局势.美国东欧裔人的活动十分繁杂,对其作用和影响的评价也是一个棘手的问题.本文主要从政治和历史的角度,对冷战期间美国东欧裔人活动及其历史地位和作用进行尝试性探讨,希望藉此对他们形成客观公正的评价,也希望多一个了解冷战史、透视冷战史的独特视角.     

东欧国家经济转轨与政治转轨关系

1989年后,东欧国家同时进行的经济和政治转轨之间的关系错综复杂.一方面,经济转轨的沉重代价不利于政治转轨的顺利进行,政治转轨期内的动荡局面妨碍、甚至延缓了经济转轨的开展;另一方面,随着双重转轨的推进,经济和政治转轨间又越来越多地表现为一种相互促进的关系,经济的私有化为多党议会民主制提供了日益广泛的社会基础,政治制度的改变则强化了私有化和市场化的选择,多少缓冲了经济转轨的负面影响.因此,总的来看,经济转轨与政治转轨进程间往往存在着一致性.     

Change and Continuity in the European Union's Political Conditionality: Aims,Approach, and Priorities

The EU's political conditionality has acquired increasing importance with successive enlargements; this also goes for the period since 2004 compared with that before. The focus here is on change and continuity in conditionality policy with respect to its aims, approach, and priorities. The article presents and applies a three-dimensional analysis concerning the challenge to, the process of, and the management of that policy. Given the need for assessing it in a broad and dynamic context, the discussion revolves around three relationships: between conditionality and post-communist democratization; between conditionality and the enlargement process; and between conditionality and the EU itself in terms of institutional responsibility for enlargement and conditionality matters. This explains how the policy since 2004 has been driven by four factors: more difficult democratization cases from the West Balkans; lessons from the earlier 2004 enlargement involving East–Central Europe; the policy outlook of Commissioner Olli Rehn; and ‘enlargement fatigue’ and stronger pressures from EU actors other than the Commission. As a result, political conditionality has become broader in its scope, much tighter in its procedures, and less easy to control within a less enlargement-friendly environment in the EU and against less certainty about enlargement prospects.     

试析东欧民族问题与政治转轨之关系

奥斯曼土耳其帝国和奥地利哈布斯堡王朝长达几个世纪的占领,特别是一战后的英法和二战后的苏美出于自身利益对东欧国家边界的划分,造成了绝大多数东欧国家内部民族杂居的局面,各民族间语言、宗教和文化传统的差异与不同的领土要求相结合,民族矛盾错综复杂,既有东欧各民族对苏联控制的反抗,又有东欧地区相邻各国间的民族和领土争议,还有各国国内民族间的相互斗争.在东欧政治转轨的过程中,民族问题始终如影随形,民族平等和独立的要求成为政治转轨的重要推动力,政治转轨的展开、原有政治格局的失衡则更进一步刺激了民族诉求,加剧了民族冲突,而东欧国家内部和国家间异常复杂的民族纠纷以及急剧膨胀的民族主义又反过来影响着政治转轨的进程.     

Political discourses on Europe and European integration in national election manifestos and party programmes

Through a textual analysis of national election manifestos, this paper critically discusses political parties' discourses towards Europe and European integration in three European Union (EU) member states: Germany, which has always promoted further integration; the United Kingdom, which has consistently been a keen supporter of intergovernmentalism; and finally the Netherlands, one of the original six and a willing, yet cautious, supporter of supranational cooperation. By analysing how political parties frame European integration in their discourses, we aim to investigate the variance in national political cultures with respect to identity and self-identification with Europe as a determining factor of support for the process. This paper concludes that although European integration is structured around a framework of interests in all the six party discourses under analysis, the construction of national identities and hence the articulation of national interest in EU membership as well as the visions for the political structure of the union varies significantly.     

英国大选后的政局走向

5月5日,布莱尔领导的工党赢得了英议会大选,实现了工党百年历史上首次“三连胜”,布莱尔本人也成为英战后连续三届当选首相的第二人。但是,布莱尔也很可能是步撒切尔夫人后尘被迫在第三任期内提前让位的首相,其执政地位在大选后即开始动摇,英政局走向存在诸多不确定因素。首先,布莱尔执政地位面临严重挑战。由于伊拉克战争的阴影,工党虽赢得“三连胜”,布莱尔却面临党内“逼宫”,其执政地位处在动摇之中。大选揭晓的5月6日,布莱尔在组织新内阁时,即被迫放弃要减少副首相和内务大臣查尔斯·克拉克部分职责及将露丝·凯利调往财政部的成令。接…     

从制度巩固到观念巩固--1989年后中东欧国家政治发展的理论分析

本文借鉴“民主巩固”概念,从制度巩固和观念巩固两个层面观察中东欧国家1989年后的政治发展。本文认为,中东欧国家实行的西方式民主制在制度层面上已经巩固,政治转轨已然完成;而在观念层面上,多数中东欧国家民众的民主观念虽然已得到了某种程度的巩固,但仍需加强。中东欧国家今后将在制度继续运作过程中,不断巩固观念,逐步走向政治制度和体制的实质巩固。     

十年磨砺成果丰硕--评《东欧国家的政治转轨》一书

俄罗斯、独联体各国、原东欧国家的社会转轨已走过十多年的历程。由于俄罗斯具有大国影响力,其国情与我国也有一定的可比性,我国政界和学术界更为关注俄罗斯的变化,而对原东欧国家的研究则略显不足。2003年10月世界知识出版社出版的由高歌同志撰写的《东欧国家的政治转轨》(以下简称《转轨》)一书,弥补了关于原东欧国家社会转轨的政治学研究方面的缺憾。 俄罗斯和原东欧国家都是从计划经济和一党集权制向市场经济和多党民主制转变,而且这一历程都是不平     

Citizen participation and democracy in the Netherlands

Although citizen participation is regarded widely as vital to democracy, some wariness may also be observed towards it in cases where democracy is equated with representative democracy. This article investigates the dominant view of the Dutch political–administrative and academic elites on the meaning of participation with respect to the quality of democracy. The analysis shows that various forms of participation that might improve the quality of democracy have been discussed in recent years, without, however, subjecting either the existing political institutions or the traditional hierarchical approach to policymaking to any form of critical review. Citizen participation is seen mainly as an instrument to strengthen and support the way representative democracy now works. Although citizen participation is thought to encompass more than merely voting in elections, participation is not seen as an essential feature of democracy, but at best, as an instrument to improve the current functioning of representative democracy.     

转型国家的政治发展:中国与中东欧国家的对比分析

当代中国和剧变以后的中东欧国家同为转型国家,在政治发展的历史进程中背倚着共同的出发点,即苏联社会主义的政治模式,但是二者在政治发展的启动背景上面临的国内外环境,摆脱传统政治模式的方式,政治发展的路径选择和目标模式设定上截然不同,因此两种政治发展的实践效果差异也比较大,分别构成当今世界转型国家比较有代表性的政治发展的不同图景。